Как правильно пишется коммунизм

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Состав слова «коммунизм»:

корень — [коммун], суффикс — [изм], нулевое окончание — [  ]

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«We want to achieve a new and better order of society: in this new and better society there must be neither rich nor poor; all will have to work. Not a handful of rich people, but all the working people must enjoy the fruits of their common labour. Machines and other improvements must serve to ease the work of all and not to enable a few to grow rich at the expense of millions and tens of millions of people. This new and better society is called socialist society. The teachings about this society are called ‘socialism’.»

Vladimir Lenin, To the Rural Poor (1903)^[160]

• American Communist History
• Anti anti-communism
• Commons-based peer production
• Communism by country
• Crimes against humanity under communist regimes
• Criticism of communist party rule
• Criticism of Marxism
• Crypto-communism
• List of communist parties
• Outline of Marxism
• Post-scarcity economy
• Sociocultural evolution
• Twentieth Century Communism

1. ^ Earlier forms of communism (utopian socialism and some earlier forms of religious communism), shared support for a classless society and common ownership but did not necessarily advocate revolutionary politics or engage in scientific analysis; that was done by Marxist communism, which has defined mainstream, modern communism, and has influenced all modern forms of communism. Such communisms, especially new religious or utopian forms of communism, may share the Marxist analysis, while favoring evolutionary politics, localism, or reformism. By the 20th century, communism has been associated with revolutionary socialism.^[15]
2. ^ Communism is capitalized by scholars of communism when referring to Communist party-ruling states and governments, which are considered to be proper nouns as a result.^[19] Following scholar Joel Kovel, sociologist Sara Diamond wrote: «I use uppercase ‘C’ Communism to refer to actually existing governments and movements and lowercase ‘c’ communism to refer to the varied movements and political currents organized around the ideal of a classless society.»^[20] The Black Book of Communism also adopted such distinction, stating that communism exists since millennia, while Communism (used in reference to Leninist and Marxist–Leninist communism as applied by Communist states in the 20th century) only began in 1917.^[21] Alan M. Wald wrote: «In order to tackle complex and often misunderstood political-literary relationships, I have adopted methods of capitalization in this book that may deviate from editorial norms practiced at certain journals and publishing houses. In particular, I capitalize ‘Communist’ and ‘Communism’ when referring to official parties of the Third International, but not when pertaining to other adherents of Bolshevism or revolutionary Marxism (which encompasses small-‘c’ communists such as Trotskyists, Bukharinists, council communists, and so forth).»^[22] In 1994, Communist Party USA activist Irwin Silber wrote: «When capitalized, the International Communist Movement refers to the formal organizational structure of the pro-Soviet Communist Parties. In lower case, the international communist movement is a more generic term referring to the general movement for communism.»^[23]
3. ^ ^{a b} Most scholars write about individual events, and make estimates of any deaths like any other historical event;^{[original research?]} some events are categorized by a Communist state’s particular era, such as Stalinist repression,^[31][32] rather than a connection to all Communist states, which came to cover one-third the world’s population by 1985.^[33]

   Historians such as Robert Conquest and J. Arch Getty mainly wrote and focused on the Stalin era; they wrote about people who died in the Gulag or as a result of Stalinist repression, and discussed estimates about those specific events, as part of the excess mortality debate in Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union, without connecting them to communism as a whole. They have vigorously debated, including on the Holodomor genocide question,^[34][35] but the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Revolutions of 1989, and the release of state archives put some of the heat out of the debate.^[36] Some historians, among them Michael Ellman, have questioned «the very category ‘victims of Stalinism'» as «a matter of political judgement» because mass deaths from famines are not a «uniquely Stalinist evil» and were widespread throughout the world in the 19th and 20th centuries.^[37] There exists very little literature that compares excess deaths under «the Big Three» of Stalin’s Soviet Union, Mao Zedong’s China, and Pol Pot’s Cambodia, and that which does exist mainly enumerates the events rather than explain their ideological reasons. One such example is Crimes Against Humanity Under Communist Regimes – Research Review by Klas-Göran Karlsson and Michael Schoenhals, a review study summarizing what others have stated about it, mentioning some authors who saw the origins of the killings in Karl Marx’s writings; the geographical scope is «the Big Three», and the authors state that killings were carried out as part of an unbalanced modernizing policy of rapid industrialization, asking «what marked the beginning of the unbalanced Russian modernisation process that was to have such terrible consequences?»^[38]

   Notable scholarly exceptions are historian Stéphane Courtois and political scientist Rudolph Rummel, who have attempted a connection between all Communist states; however, Rummel’s analysis was done within the framework of his proposed concept of democide, which includes any direct and indirect deaths by government, and did not limit himself to Communist states, which were categorized within the framework of totalitarianism alongside other regime-types. Rummel’s estimates are on the high-end of the spectrum, have been criticized and scrutinized, and are rejected by most scholars. Courtois’ attempts, as in the introduction to The Black Book of Communism, which have been described by some critical observers as a crudely anti-communist and antisemitic work, are controversial; many reviewers of the book, including scholars, criticized such attempts of lumping all Communist states and different sociological movements together as part of a Communist death toll totalling more than 94 million.^[39] Reviewers also distinguished the introduction from the book proper, which was better received and only presented a number of chapters on single-country studies, with no cross-cultural comparison, or discussion of mass killings; historian Andrzej Paczkowski wrote that only Courtois made the comparison between communism and Nazism, while the other sections of the book «are, in effect, narrowly focused monographs, which do not pretend to offer overarching explanations», and stated that the book is not «about communism as an ideology or even about communism as a state-building phenomenon.»^[40] More positive reviews found most of the criticism to be fair or warranted, with political scientist Stanley Hoffmann stating that «Courtois would have been far more effective if he had shown more restraint»,^[41] and Paczkowski stating that it has had two positive effects, among them stirring a debate about the implementation of totalitarian ideologies and «an exhaustive balance sheet about one aspect of the worldwide phenomenon of communism.»^[42]

   A Soviet and communist studies example is Steven Rosefielde’s Red Holocaust, which is controversial due to Holocaust trivialization; nonetheless, Rosefielde’s work mainly focused on «the Big Three» (Stalin era, Mao era, and the Khmer Rouge rule of Cambodia), plus Kim Il-sung’s North Korea and Ho Chi Minh’s Vietnam. Rosefielde’s main point is that Communism in general, although he focuses mostly on Stalinism, is less genocidal and that is a key distinction from Nazism, and did not make a connection between all Communist states or communism as an ideology. Rosefielde wrote that «the conditions for the Red Holocaust were rooted in Stalin’s, Kim’s, Mao’s, Ho’s and Pol Pot’s siege-mobilized terror-command economic systems, not in Marx’s utopian vision or other pragmatic communist transition mechanisms. Terror-command was chosen among other reasons because of legitimate fears about the long-term viability of terror-free command, and the ideological risks of market communism.»^[43]

4. ^ ^{a b} Some authors, such as Stéphane Courtois in The Black Book of Communism, stated that Communism killed more than Nazism and thus was worse; several scholars have criticized this view.^[44] After assessing twenty years of historical research in Eastern European archives, lower estimates by the «revisionist school» of historians have been vindicated,^[45] despite the popular press continuing to use higher estimates and containing serious errors.^[46] Historians such as Timothy D. Snyder stated it is taken for granted that Stalin killed more civilians than Hitler; for most scholars, excess mortality under Stalin was about 6 million, which rise to 9 million if foreseeable deaths arising from policies are taken into account. This estimate is less than those killed by Nazis, who killed more noncombatants than the Soviets did.^[47]
5. ^ While the Bolsheviks rested on hope of success of the 1917–1923 wave of proletarian revolutions in Western Europe before resulting in the socialism in one country policy after their failure, Marx’s view on the mir was shared not by self-professed Russian Marxists, who were mechanistic determinists, but by the Narodniks^[93] and the Socialist Revolutionary Party,^[94] one of the successors to the Narodniks, alongside the Popular Socialists and the Trudoviks.^[95]
6. ^ The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea refers to its leading ideology as Juche, which is portrayed as a development of Marxism–Leninism. In North Korea, Marxism–Leninism was superseded by Juche in the 1970s and was made official in 1992 and 2009, when constitutional references to Marxism–Leninism were dropped and replaced with Juche.^[137] In 2009, the constitution was quietly amended so that not only did it remove all Marxist–Leninist references present in the first draft but also dropped all references to communism.^[138] Juche has been described by some observers as a version of «Korean ultranationalism»,^[139] which eventually developed after losing its original Marxist–Leninist elements.^[140] Marxism–Leninism was largely abandoned after the start of de-Stalinisation in the Soviet Union and has been totally replaced by Juche since at least 1974.^[141]
7. ^ According to their proponents, Marxist–Leninist ideologies have been adapted to the material conditions of their respective countries and include Castroism (Cuba), Ceaușism (Romania), Gonzalo Thought (Peru), Guevarism (Cuba), Ho Chi Minh Thought (Vietnam), Hoxhaism (anti-revisionist Albania), Husakism (Czechoslovakia), Juche (North Korea), Kadarism (Hungary), Khmer Rouge (Cambodia), Khrushchevism (Soviet Union), Prachanda Path (Nepal), Shining Path (Peru), and Titoism (anti-Stalinist Yugoslavia).^[168][c]
8. ^ Most genocide scholars do not lump Communist states together, and do not treat genocidical events as a separate subjects, or by regime-type, and compare them to genocidical events which happened under vastly different regimes. Examples include Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Accounts,^[233] The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing,^[234] Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide,^[235] Resisting Genocide: The Multiple Forms of Rescue,^[236] and Final Solutions.^[237] Several of them are limited to the geographical locations of «the Big Three», or mainly the Cambodian genocide, whose culprit, the Khmer Rouge regime, was described by genocide scholar Helen Fein as following a xenophobic ideology bearing a stronger resemblance to «an almost forgotten phenomenon of national socialism», or fascism, rather than communism,^[238] while historian Ben Kiernan described it as «more racist and generically totalitarian than Marxist or specifically Communist»,^[239] or do not discuss Communist states, other than passing mentions. Such work is mainly done in an attempt to prevent genocides but has been described by scholars as a failure.^[240]
9. ^ Genocide scholar Barbara Harff maintains a global database on mass killings, which is intended mostly for statistical analysis of mass killings in attempt to identify the best predictors for their onset and data is not necessarily the most accurate for a given country, since some sources are general genocide scholars and not experts on local history;^[241] it includes anticommunist mass killings, such as the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–1966 (genocide and politicide), and some events which happened under Communist states, such as the 1959 Tibetan uprising (genocide and politicide), the Cambodian genocide (genocide and politicide), and the Cultural Revolution (politicide), but no comparative analysis or communist link is drawn, other than the events just happened to take place in some Communist states in Eastern Asia. The Harff database is the most frequently used by genocide scholars.^[242] Rudolph Rummel operated a similar database, but it was not limited to Communist states, it is mainly for statistical analysis, and in a comparative analysis has been criticized by other scholars, over that of Harff,^[241] for his estimates and statistical methodology, which showed some flaws.^[243]
10. ^ In their criticism of The Black Book of Communism, which popularized the topic, several scholars have questioned, in the words of Alexander Dallin, «[w]hether all these cases, from Hungary to Afghanistan, have a single essence and thus deserve to be lumped together—just because they are labeled Marxist or communist—is a question the authors scarcely discuss.»^[68] In particular, historians Jens Mecklenburg and Wolfgang Wippermann stated that a connection between the events in Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union and Pol Pot’s Cambodia are far from evident and that Pol Pot’s study of Marxism in Paris is insufficient for connecting radical Soviet industrialism and the Khmer Rouge’s murderous anti-urbanism under the same category.^[245] Historian Michael David-Fox criticized the figures as well as the idea to combine loosely connected events under a single category of Communist death toll, blaming Stéphane Courtois for their manipulation and deliberate inflation which are presented to advocate the idea that communism was a greater evil than Nazism. David-Fox criticized the idea to connect the deaths with some «generic Communism» concept, defined down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals.^[67] A similar criticism was made by Le Monde.^[246] Allegation of a communist or red Holocaust is not popular among scholars in Germany or internationally,^[247] and is considered a form of softcore antisemitism and Holocaust trivialization.^[248]
11. ^ The Cambodia case is particular because it is different from the emphasis Stalin’s Soviet Union and Mao’s China gave to heavy industry. The goal of Khmer Rouge’s leaders goal was to introduce communism in an extremely short period of time through collectivization of agriculture in the effort to remove social differences and inequalities between rural and urban areas.^[38] As there was not much industry in Cambodia at that time, Pol Pot’s strategy to accomplish this was to increase agricultural production in order to obtain money for rapid industrialization.^[254]

    In analyzing the Khmer Rouge regime, scholars place it within the historical context. The Khmer Rouge came to power through the Cambodian Civil War (where unparalleled atrocities were executed on both sides) and Operation Menu, resulting in the dropping of more than half a million tonnes of bombs in the country during the civil-war period; this was mainly directed to Communist Vietnam but it gave the Khmer Rouge a justification to eliminate the pro-Vietnamese faction and other communists.^[38] The Cambodian genocide, which is described by many scholars as a genocide and by others such as Manus Midlarsky as a politicide,^[250] was stopped by Communist Vietnam, and there have been allegations of United States support for the Khmer Rouge. South East Asian communism was deeply divided, as China supported the Khmer Rouge, while the Soviet Union and Vietnam opposed it. The United States supported Lon Nol, who seized power in the 1970 Cambodian coup d’état, and research has shown that everything in Cambodia was seen as a legitimate target by the United States, whose verdict of its main leaders at that time (Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger) has been harsh, and bombs were gradually dropped on increasingly densely populated areas.^[38]

1. ^ ^{a b c} Engels (1970), pp. 95–151; «But, the transformation—either into joint-stock companies and trusts, or into State-ownership—does not do away with the capitalistic nature of the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies and trusts, this is obvious. And the modern State, again, is only the organization that bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments as well of the workers as of individual capitalists. The modern state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine—the state of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national capital. The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers—proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done away with. It is, rather, brought to a head. But, brought to a head, it topples over. State-ownership of the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the elements of that solution.»
2. ^ Morgan (2015): «‘Marxism–Leninism’ was the formal name of the official state ideology adopted by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), its satellite states in Eastern Europe, the Asian communist regimes, and various ‘scientific socialist’ regimes in the Third World during the Cold War. As such, the term is simultaneously misleading and revealing. It is misleading, since neither Marx nor Lenin ever sanctioned the creation of an eponymous ‘ism’; indeed, the term Marxism–Leninism was formulated only in the period of Stalin’s rise to power after Lenin’s death. It is revealing, because the Stalinist institutionalization of Marxism–Leninism in the 1930s did contain three identifiable, dogmatic principles that became the explicit model for all later Soviet-type regimes: dialectical materialism as the only true proletarian basis for philosophy, the leading role of the communist party as the central principle of Marxist politics, and state-led planned industrialization and agricultural collectivization as the foundation of socialist economics. The global influence of these three doctrinal and institutional innovations makes the term Marxist–Leninist a convenient label for a distinct sort of ideological order—one which, at the height of its power and influence, dominated one-third of the world’s population.»
3. ^ Morgan (2001): «As communist Parties emerged around the world, encouraged both by the success of the Soviet Party in establishing Russia’s independence from foreign domination and by clandestine monetary subsidies from the Soviet comrades, they became identifiable by their adherence to a common political ideology known as Marxism–Leninism. Of course from the very beginning Marxism–Leninism existed in many variants. The conditions were themselves an effort to enforce a minimal degree of uniformity on diverse conceptions of communist identity. Adherence to the ideas of ‘Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Trotsky’ characterized the Trotskyists who soon broke off in a ‘Fourth International.‘«
4. ^ Engels (1970); «The proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms the socialized means of production, slipping from the hands of the bourgeoisie, into public property. By this act, the proletariat frees the means of production from the character of capital they have thus far borne, and gives their socialized character complete freedom to work itself out.»
5. ^ Morgan (2001), p. 2332: ‘«Marxism–Leninism–Maoism’ became the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and of the splinter parties that broke off from national communist parties after the Chinese definitively split with the Soviets in 1963. Italian communists continued to be influenced by the ideas of Antonio Gramsci, whose independent conception of the reasons why the working class in industrial countries remained politically quiescent bore far more democratic implications than Lenin’s own explanation of worker passivity. Until Stalin’s death, the Soviet Party referred to its own ideology as ‘Marxism–Leninism–Stalinism.‘«
6. ^ Kropotkin, Peter. «Communism and Anarchy». Archived from the original on 28 July 2011. Communism is the one which guarantees the greatest amount of individual liberty—provided that the idea that begets the community be Liberty, Anarchy … Communism guarantees economic freedom better than any other form of association, because it can guarantee wellbeing, even luxury, in return for a few hours of work instead of a day’s work.
7. ^ Morgan (2015): «Communist ideas have acquired a new meaning since 1918. They became equivalent to the ideas of Marxism–Leninism, that is, the interpretation of Marxism by Lenin and his successors. Endorsing the final objective, namely, the creation of a community owning means of production and providing each of its participants with consumption ‘according to their needs’, they put forward the recognition of the class struggle as a dominating principle of a social development. In addition, workers (i.e., the proletariat) were to carry out the mission of reconstruction of the society. Conducting a socialist revolution headed by the avant-garde of the proletariat, that is, the party, was hailed to be a historical necessity. Moreover, the introduction of the proletariat dictatorship was advocated and hostile classes were to be liquidated.»

1. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l} Ball, Terence; Dagger, Richard, eds. (2019) [1999]. «Communism». Encyclopædia Britannica (revised ed.). Retrieved 10 June 2020.
2. ^ «Communism». World Book Encyclopedia. Vol. 4. Chicago: World Book. 2008. p. 890. ISBN 978-0-7166-0108-1.
3. ^ March, Luke (2009). «Contemporary Far Left Parties in Europe: From Marxism to the Mainstream?» (PDF). IPG. 1: 126–143 – via Friedrich Ebert Foundation.
4. ^ «Left». Encyclopædia Britannica. 15 April 2009. Retrieved 22 May 2022. communism is a more radical leftist ideology.
5. ^ «Radical left». Dictionary.com. Retrieved 16 July 2022. Radical left is a term that refers collectively to people who hold left-wing political views that are considered extreme, such as supporting or working to establish communism, Marxism, Maoism, socialism, anarchism, or other forms of anticapitalism. The radical left is sometimes called the far left.
6. ^ Ely, Richard T (1883). French and German socialism in modern times. New York: Harper & Brothers. pp. 35–36. OCLC 456632. All communists without exception propose that the people as a whole, or some particular division of the people, as a village or commune, should own all the means of production—land, houses, factories, railroads, canals, etc.; that production should be carried on in common; and that officers, selected in one way or another, should distribute among the inhabitants the fruits of their labor.
7. ^ ^{a b} Steele (1992), p. 43: «One widespread distinction was that socialism socialised production only while communism socialised production and consumption.»
8. ^ Bukharin, Nikolai; Preobrazhensky, Yevgeni (1922) [1920]. «Distribution in the communist system» (PDF). The ABC of Communism. Translated by Paul, Cedar; Paul, Eden. London, England: Communist Party of Great Britain. pp. 72–73, § 20. Retrieved 18 August 2021 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
9. ^ Engels, Friedrich (2005) [1847]. «Section 18: What will be the course of this revolution?». The Principles of Communism. Translated by Sweezy, Paul. Retrieved 18 August 2021 – via Marxists Internet Archive. Finally, when all capital, all production, all exchange have been brought together in the hands of the nation, private property will disappear of its own accord, money will become superfluous, and production will so expand and man so change that society will be able to slough off whatever of its old economic habits may remain.
10. ^ Bukharin, Nikolai; Preobrazhensky, Yevgeni (1922) [1920]. «Administrtion in the communist system» (PDF). The ABC of Communism. Translated by Paul, Cedar; Paul, Eden. London, England: Communist Party of Great Britain. pp. 73–75, § 21. Retrieved 18 August 2021 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
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15. ^ Newman 2005; Morgan 2015.
16. ^ Engels, Friedrich; Marx, Karl (1969) [1848]. «Bourgeois and Proletarians». The Communist Manifesto. Translated by Moore, Samuel. Moscow: Progress Publishers. Retrieved 1 March 2022 – via Marxists Internet Archive. In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property.
17. ^ Smith, Stephen (2014). The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. p. 3.
18. ^ Darity, William A. Jr., ed. (2008). «Communism». International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Vol. 2 (2nd ed.). New York City, New York: Macmillan Reference USA. pp. 35–36. ISBN 9780028661179.
19. ^ «IV. Glossary». Center for the Study of the Pacific Northwest. University of Washington. Retrieved 13 August 2021. … communism (noun) … 2. The economic and political system instituted in the Soviet Union after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. Also, the economic and political system of several Soviet allies, such as China and Cuba. (Writers often capitalize Communism when they use the word in this sense.) These Communist economic systems often did not achieve the ideals of communist theory. For example, although many forms of property were owned by the government in the USSR and China, neither the work nor the products were shared in a manner that would be considered equitable by many communist or Marxist theorists.
20. ^ Diamond, Sara (1995). Roads to Dominion: Right-wing Movements and Political Power in the United States. Guilford Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-8986-2864-7. Retrieved 23 August 2021 – via Google Books.
21. ^ Courtois, Stéphane; et al. (Bartosek, Karel; Margolin, Jean-Louis; Paczkowski, Andrzej; Panné, Jean-Louis; Werth, Nicolas) (1999) [1997]. «Introduction». In Courtois, Stéphane (ed.). The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press. pp. ix–x, 2. ISBN 978-0-674-07608-2. Retrieved 23 August 2021 – via Google Books.
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24. ^ Newman 2005, p. 5: «Chapter 1 looks at the foundations of the doctrine by examining the contribution made by various traditions of socialism in the period between the early 19th century and the aftermath of the First World War. The two forms that emerged as dominant by the early 1920s were social democracy and communism.»
25. ^ Dunn, Dennis (2016). A History of Orthodox, Islamic, and Western Christian Political Values. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 126–131. ISBN 978-3319325668.
26. ^ ^{a b} Lansford 2007, pp. 9–24, 36–44.
27. ^ Shaoguang, Wang. «Political change and democracy in China» (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 September 2017.
28. ^ ^{a b c d} Chomsky (1986); Howard & King (2001); Fitzgibbons (2002)
29. ^ Wolff, Richard D. (27 June 2015). «Socialism Means Abolishing the Distinction Between Bosses and Employees». Truthout. Retrieved 29 January 2020.
30. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Ghodsee, Sehon & Dresser 2018.
31. ^ Wheatcroft, Stephen G. (1999). «Victims of Stalinism and the Soviet Secret Police: The Comparability and Reliability of the Archival Data. Not the Last Word». Europe-Asia Studies. 51 (2): 315–345. doi:10.1080/09668139999056. ISSN 0966-8136. JSTOR 153614.
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33. ^ ^{a b c d} Lansford 2007, pp. 24–25.
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39. ^ ^{a b} Harff (1996); Hiroaki (2001); Paczkowski (2001); Weiner (2002); Dulić (2004); Harff (2017)
40. ^ ^{a b} Paczkowski 2001, pp. 32–33.
41. ^ Hoffman, Stanley (Spring 1998). «Le Livre noir du communisme: Crimes, terreur, répression (The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, and Repression) by Stéphane Courtois». Foreign Policy. 110 (Special Edition: Frontiers of Knowledge): 166–169. doi:10.2307/1149284. JSTOR 1149284.
42. ^ Paczkowski 2001.
43. ^ Rosefielde, Steven (2010). Red Holocaust. London: Routledge. p. xvi. ISBN 978-0-415-77757-5 – via Google Books.
44. ^ Suny, Ronald Grigor (2007). «Russian Terror/ism and Revisionist Historiography». Australian Journal of Politics & History. 53 (1): 5–19. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.2007.00439.x. … [leaves out] most of the 40-60,000,000 lives lost in the Second World War, for which arguably Hitler and not Stalin was principally responsible.
45. ^ Getty, J. Arch; Rittersporn, Gábor; Zemskov, Viktor (October 1993). «Victims of the Soviet Penal System in the Pre-War Years: A First Approach on the Basis of Archival Evidence» (PDF). The American Historical Review. 98 (4): 1017–1049. doi:10.2307/2166597. JSTOR 2166597. Retrieved 17 August 2021 – via Soviet Studies.
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47. ^ Snyder, Timothy (27 January 2011). «Hitler vs. Stalin: Who Was Worse?». The New York Review of Books. Retrieved 17 August 2021. See also p. 384 of Snyder’s Bloodlands.
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54. ^ Gregory, Paul R.; Stuart, Robert C. (2003). Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First (7 ed.). South-Western College Pub. p. 118. ISBN 0-618-26181-8. Under socialism, each individual would be expected to contribute according to capability, and rewards would be distributed in proportion to that contribution. Subsequently, under communism, the basis of reward would be need.
55. ^ Ely, Richard T. (1883). French and German socialism in modern times. New York: Harper & Brothers. pp. 29–30. OCLC 456632. The central idea of communism is economic equality. It is desired by communists that all ranks and differences in society should disappear, and one man be as good as another… The distinctive idea of socialism is distributive justice. It goes back of the processes of modern life to the fact that he who does not work, lives on the labor of others. It aims to distribute economic goods according to the services rendered by the recipients… Every communist is a socialist, and something more. Not every socialist is a communist.
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240. ^ ^{a b} Weiss-Wendt, Anton (2008). «Problems in Comparative Genocide Scholarship». In Stone, Dan (ed.). The Historiography of Genocide. London: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 42–70. doi:10.1057/9780230297784_3. ISBN 978-0-230-29778-4. There is barely any other field of study that enjoys so little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe. Considering that scholars have always put stress on prevention of genocide, comparative genocide studies have been a failure. Paradoxically, nobody has attempted so far to assess the field of comparative genocide studies as a whole. This is one of the reasons why those who define themselves as genocide scholars have not been able to detect the situation of crisis.
241. ^ ^{a b} Harff 2017.
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244. ^ Valentino, Benjamin (2005). Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. p. 91. ISBN 978-0-801-47273-2. Communism has a bloody record, but most regimes that have described themselves as communist or have been described as such by others have not engaged in mass killing.
245. ^ Mecklenburg, Jens; Wippermann, Wolfgang, eds. (1998). ‘Roter Holocaust’? Kritik des Schwarzbuchs des Kommunismus [A ‘Red Holocaust’? A Critique of the Black Book of Communism] (in German). Hamburg: Konkret Verlag Literatur. ISBN 3-89458-169-7.
246. ^ Malia, Martin (October 1999). «Preface». The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press. p. xiv. ISBN 978-0-674-07608-2. Retrieved 12 August 2021 – via Google Books. … commentators in the liberal Le Monde argue that it is illegitimate to speak of a single Communist movement from Phnom Penh to Paris. Rather, the rampage of the Khmer Rouge is like the ethnic massacres of third-world Rwanda, or the ‘rural’ Communism of Asia is radically different from the ‘urban’ Communism of Europe; or Asian Communism is really only anticolonial nationalism. … conflating sociologically diverse movements is merely a stratagem to obtain a higher body count against Communism, and thus against all the left.
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250. ^ ^{a b} Straus, Scott (April 2007). «Review: Second-Generation Comparative Research on Genocide». World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 59 (3): 476–501. doi:10.1017/S004388710002089X. JSTOR 40060166. S2CID 144879341.
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252. ^ Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah (2009). Worse than war: genocide, eliminationism, and the ongoing assault on humanity (1st ed.). New York: PublicAffairs. p. 206. ISBN 978-1-58648-769-0. OCLC 316035698.
253. ^ Pipes, Richard (2001). Communism: a history. New York: Modern Library. p. 147. ISBN 0-679-64050-9. OCLC 47924025.
254. ^ Mann, Michael (2005). The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 343. ISBN 9780521538541. Retrieved 28 August 2021 – via Google Books. As in other Communist development plans, this agricultural surplus, essentially rice, could be exported to pay for the import of machinery, first for agriculture and light industry, later for heavy industry (Chandler, 1992: 120–8).
255. ^ ^{a b} Grant, Robert (November 1999). «Review: The Lost Literature of Socialism». The Review of English Studies. 50 (200): 557–559. doi:10.1093/res/50.200.557.
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257. ^ Liedy, Amy Shannon; Ruble, Blair (7 March 2011). «Holocaust Revisionism, Ultranationalism, and the Nazi/Soviet ‘Double Genocide’ Debate in Eastern Europe». Wilson Center. Retrieved 14 November 2020.
258. ^ Shafir, Michael (Summer 2016). «Ideology, Memory and Religion in Post-Communist East Central Europe: A Comparative Study Focused on Post-Holocaust». Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies. 15 (44): 52–110.
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261. ^ ^{a b c d} Engel-Di Mauro et al. 2021.
262. ^ ^{a b} Satter, David (6 November 2017). «100 Years of Communism—and 100 Million Dead». The Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Retrieved 22 October 2021.
263. ^ Bevins (2020b); Engel-Di Mauro et al. (2021); Ghodsee, Sehon & Dresser (2018)
264. ^ Sullivan, Dylan; Hickel, Jason (2 December 2022). «How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years». Al Jazeera. Retrieved 14 December 2022. While the precise number of deaths is sensitive to the assumptions we make about baseline mortality, it is clear that somewhere in the vicinity of 100 million people died prematurely at the height of British colonialism. This is among the largest policy-induced mortality crises in human history. It is larger than the combined number of deaths that occurred during all famines in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, North Korea, Pol Pot’s Cambodia, and Mengistu’s Ethiopia.
265. ^ Bosteels, Bruno (2014). The Actuality of Communism (paper back ed.). New York City, New York: Verso Books. ISBN 9781781687673.
266. ^ Taras, Raymond C. (2015) [1992]. The Road to Disillusion: From Critical Marxism to Post-Communism in Eastern Europe (E-book ed.). London: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781317454786.
267. ^ Kaprāns, Mārtiņš (2 May 2015). «Hegemonic representations of the past and digital agency: Giving meaning to ‘The Soviet Story’ on social networking sites». Memory Studies. 9 (2): 156–172. doi:10.1177/1750698015587151. S2CID 142458412.
268. ^ Neumayer, Laure (November 2017). «Advocating for the Cause of the ‘Victims of Communism’ in the European Political Space: Memory Entrepreneurs in Interstitial Fields». Nationalities Papers. Cambridge University Press. 45 (6): 992–1012. doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1364230.
269. ^ Dujisin, Zoltan (July 2020). «A History of Post-Communist Remembrance: From Memory Politics to the Emergence of a Field of Anticommunism». Theory and Society. 50 (January 2021): 65–96. doi:10.1007/s11186-020-09401-5. S2CID 225580086. This article invites the view that the Europeanization of an antitotalitarian ‘collective memory’ of communism reveals the emergence of a field of anticommunism. This transnational field is inextricably tied to the proliferation of state-sponsored and anticommunist memory institutes across Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), … [and is proposed by] anticommunist memory entrepreneurs.
270. ^ Doumanis, Nicholas, ed. (2016). The Oxford Handbook of European History, 1914–1945 (E-book ed.). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. pp. 377–378. ISBN 9780191017759.
271. ^ Rauch, Jonathan (December 2003). «The Forgotten Millions». The Atlantic. Retrieved 20 December 2020.
272. ^ Mrozick, Agnieszka (2019). Kuligowski, Piotr; Moll, Łukasz; Szadkowski, Krystian (eds.). «Anti-Communism: It’s High Time to Diagnose and Counteract». Praktyka Teoretyczna. Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. 1 (31, Anti-Communisms: Discourses of Exclusion): 178–184. Retrieved 26 December 2020 – via Central and Eastern European Online Library. First is the prevalence of a totalitarian paradigm, in which Nazism and Communism are equated as the most atrocious ideas and systems in human history (because communism, defined by Marx as a classless society with common means of production, has never been realised anywhere in the world, in further parts I will be putting this concept into inverted commas as an example of discursive practice). Significantly, while in the Western debate the more precise term ‘Stalinism’ is used – in 2008, on the 70th anniversary of the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact, the European Parliament established 23 August as the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism – hardly anyone in Poland is paying attention to niceties: ‘communism’ or the left, is perceived as totalitarian here. A homogenizing sequence of associations (the left is communism, communism is totalitarianism, ergo the left is totalitarian) and the ahistorical character of the concepts used (no matter if we talk about the USSR in the 1930s under Stalin, Maoist China from the period of the Cultural Revolution, or Poland under Gierek, ‘communism’ is murderous all the same) not only serves the denigration of the Polish People’s Republic, expelling this period from Polish history, but also – or perhaps primarily – the deprecation of Marxism, leftist programs, and any hopes and beliefs in Marxism and leftist activity as a remedy for capitalist exploitation, social inequality, fascist violence on a racist and anti-Semitic basis, as well as homophobic and misogynist violence. The totalitarian paradigm not only equates fascism and socialism (in Poland and the countries of the former Eastern bloc stubbornly called ‘communism’ and pressed into the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union, which should additionally emphasize its foreignness), but in fact recognizes the latter as worse, more sinister (the Black Book of Communism (1997) is of help here as it estimates the number of victims of ‘communism’ at around 100 million; however, it is critically commented on by researchers on the subject, including historian Enzo Traverso in the book L’histoire comme champ de bataille (2011)). Thus, anti-communism not only delegitimises the left, including communists, and depreciates the contribution of the left to the breakdown of fascism in 1945, but also contributes to the rehabilitation of the latter, as we can see in recent cases in Europe and other places. (Quote at pp. 178–179)
273. ^ Moll, Łukasz (2019). Kuligowski, Piotr; Moll, Łukasz; Szadkowski, Krystian (eds.). «Erasure of the Common: From Polish Anti-Communism to Universal Anti-Capitalism». Praktyka Teoretyczna. Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. 1 (31, Anti-Communisms: Discourses of Exclusion): 178–184. Retrieved 26 December 2020 – via Central and Eastern European Online Library. As we have learned lately from public television, when the two hundredth anniversary of Karl Marx’s birthday was celebrated abroad, according to right-wing journalists Marx was responsible even for Nazism and the Holocaust (Leszczyński 2018). As former Foreign Minister in Law and Justice’s government Witold Waszczykowski elaborated in an interview with German daily newspaper Bild:
     

     We just want to heal our country of certain diseases. The previous government applied a left-wing concept. As if the world, according to the Marxist model, must move in only one direction, towards a mixture of cultures and a world of cyclists and vegetarians, which stands only for renewable energy and combating all forms of religion. This has nothing in common with traditional Polish values (Cienski 2017).

     It is hard to find a better manifestation of right-wing all-encompassing anti-communism, which mixes together nearly all possible progressive discourses. (Quote at pp. 126–127)

274. ^ ^{a b} Jaffrelot, Christophe; Sémelin, Jacques, eds. (2009). Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide. CERI Series in Comparative Politics and International Studies. Translated by Schoch, Cynthia. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 37. ISBN 978-0-231-14283-0.
275. ^ ^{a b} Ghodsee, Kristen (2014). «A Tale of ‘Two Totalitarianisms’: The Crisis of Capitalism and the Historical Memory of Communism» (PDF). History of the Present. 4 (2): 115–142. doi:10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115. JSTOR 10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115.
276. ^ ^{a b} Neumayer, Laure (2018). The Criminalisation of Communism in the European Political Space after the Cold War. Routledge. ISBN 9781351141741.
277. ^ Kühne, Thomas (May 2012). «Great Men and Large Numbers: Undertheorising a History of Mass Killing». Contemporary European History. 21 (2): 133–143. doi:10.1017/S0960777312000070. ISSN 0960-7773. JSTOR 41485456. S2CID 143701601.
278. ^ Scheidel, Walter (2017). «Chapter 7: Communism». The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691165028.
279. ^ Scheidel, Walter (2017). The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press. p. 222. ISBN 978-0691165028.
280. ^ Natsios, Andrew S. (2002). The Great North Korean Famine. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN 1929223331.
281. ^ Ther, Philipp (2016). Europe Since 1989: A History. Princeton University Press. p. 132. ISBN 978-0-691-16737-4. Stalinist regimes aimed to catapult the predominantly agrarian societies into the modern age by swift industrialization. At the same time, they hoped to produce politically loyal working classes by mass employment in large state industries. Steelworks were built in Eisenhüttenstadt (GDR), Nowa Huta (Poland), Košice (Slovakia), and Miskolc (Hungary), as were various mechanical engineering and chemical combines and other industrial sites. As a result of communist modernization, living standards in Eastern Europe rose. Planned economies, moreover, meant that wages, salaries, and the prices of consumer goods were fixed. Although the communists were not able to cancel out all regional differences, they succeeded in creating largely egalitarian societies.
282. ^ Milanović, Branko (2015). «After the Wall Fell: The Poor Balance Sheet of the Transition to Capitalism». Challenge. 58 (2): 135–138. doi:10.1080/05775132.2015.1012402. S2CID 153398717. So, what is the balance sheet of transition? Only three or at most five or six countries could be said to be on the road to becoming a part of the rich and (relatively) stable capitalist world. Many of the other countries are falling behind, and some are so far behind that they cannot aspire to go back to the point where they were when the Wall fell for several decades.
283. ^ ^{a b} Ghodsee, Kristen; Orenstein, Mitchell A. (2021). Taking Stock of Shock: Social Consequences of the 1989 Revolutions. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 78. doi:10.1093/oso/9780197549230.001.0001. ISBN 978-0197549247.
284. ^ Scheidel, Walter (2017). The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press. pp. 51, 222–223. ISBN 978-0691165028. Following the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and then of the Soviet Union itself in late 1991, exploding poverty drove the surge in income inequality.
285. ^ Mattei, Clara E. (2022). The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism. University of Chicago Press. pp. 301–302. ISBN 978-0226818399. «If, in 1987–1988, 2 percent of the Russian people lived in poverty (i.e., survived on less than $4 a day), by 1993–1995 the number reached 50 percent: in just seven years half the Russian population became destitute.
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290. ^ Pop-Eleches, Grigore; Tucker, Joshua (12 November 2019). «Europe’s communist regimes began to collapse 30 years ago, but still shape political views». The Washington Post. Retrieved 20 August 2022.
291. ^ Ehms, Jule (9 March 2014). «The Communist Horizon». Marx & Philosophy Society. Retrieved 29 October 2018.
292. ^ Ghodsee, Kristen (2015). The Left Side of History: World War II and the Unfulfilled Promise of Communism in Eastern Europe. Duke University Press. p. xvi–xvii. ISBN 978-0822358350.
293. ^ Gerstle, Gary (2022). The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era. Oxford University Press. p. 12. ISBN 978-0197519646.
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• Bernstein, Eduard (1895). Kommunistische und demokratisch-sozialistische Strömungen während der englischen Revolution [Cromwell and Communism: Socialism and Democracy in the Great English Revolution] (in German). J. H. W. Dietz. OCLC 36367345. Retrieved 1 August 2021 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
• Bevins, Vincent (2020b). The Jakarta Method: Washington’s Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. PublicAffairs. p. 240. ISBN 978-1541742406. … we do not live in a world directly constructed by Stalin’s purges or mass starvation under Pol Pot. Those states are gone. Even Mao’s Great Leap Forward was quickly abandoned and rejected by the Chinese Communist Party, though the party is still very much around. We do, however, live in a world built partly by US-backed Cold War violence. … Washington’s anticommunist crusade, with Indonesia as the apex of its murderous violence against civilians, deeply shaped the world we live in now … .
• Brown, Archie (2009). The Rise and Fall of Communism. Bodley Head. ISBN 978-022407-879-5.
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• Dulić, Tomislav (2004). «Tito’s Slaughterhouse: A Critical Analysis of Rummel’s Work on Democide». Journal of Peace Research. 41 (1): 85–102. doi:10.1177/0022343304040051. JSTOR 4149657. S2CID 145120734.
• Engel-Di Mauro, Salvatore; et al. (4 May 2021). «Anti-Communism and the Hundreds of Millions of Victims of Capitalism». Capitalism Nature Socialism. 32 (1): 1–17. doi:10.1080/10455752.2021.1875603.
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• Fitzgibbons, Daniel J. (11 October 2002). «USSR strayed from communism, say Economics professors». The Campus Chronicle. University of Massachusetts Amherst. Retrieved 22 September 2021.
• Gerr, Christopher J.; Raskina, Yulia; Tsyplakova, Daria (28 October 2017). «Convergence or Divergence? Life Expectancy Patterns in Post-communist Countries, 1959–2010». Social Indicators Research. 140 (1): 309–332. doi:10.1007/s11205-017-1764-4. PMC 6223831. PMID 30464360.
• Ghodsee, Kristen; Sehon, Scott; Dresser, Sam, eds. (22 March 2018). «The merits of taking an anti-anti-communism stance». Aeon. Archived from the original on 1 April 2022. Retrieved 12 August 2021.
• Harff, Barbara (1996). «Death by Government by R. J. Rummel». Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 27 (1): 117–119. doi:10.2307/206491. JSTOR 206491.
• Harff, Barbara (2017). «The Comparative Analysis of Mass Atrocities and Genocide». In Gleditsch, N. P. (ed.). R.J. Rummel: An Assessment of His Many Contributions (PDF). SpringerBriefs on Pioneers in Science and Practice. Vol. 37. pp. 111–129. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-54463-2_12. ISBN 9783319544632.
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• Hiroaki, Kuromiya (2001). «Review Article: Communism and Terror. Reviewed Work(s): The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, and Repression by Stephane Courtois; Reflections on a Ravaged Century by Robert Conquest». Journal of Contemporary History. 36 (1): 191–201. doi:10.1177/002200940103600110. JSTOR 261138. S2CID 49573923.
• Holmes, Leslie (2009). Communism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-955154-5.
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• Leon, David A. (23 April 2013). «Trends in European Life Expectancy: a Salutary View». OUPblog. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 12 March 2021.
• Link, Theodore (2004). Communism: A Primary Source Analysis. Rosen Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8239-4517-7.
• Mackenbach, Johan (December 2012). «Political conditions and life expectancy in Europe, 1900-2008». Social Science and Medicine. 82: 134–146. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2012.12.022. PMID 23337831.
• Morgan, W. John (2001). «Marxism–Leninism: The Ideology of Twentieth-Century Communism». In Baltes, Paul B.; Smelser, Neil J. (eds.). International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Vol. 20 (1st ed.). Elsevier. ISBN 9780080430768. Retrieved 25 August 2021 – via Science Direct.
• Morgan, W. John (2015) [2001]. «Marxism–Leninism: The Ideology of Twentieth-Century Communism». In Wright, James D. (ed.). International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Vol. 26 (2nd ed.). Elsevier. ISBN 9780080970875. Retrieved 25 August 2021 – via Science Direct.
• Newman, Michael (2005). Socialism: A Very Short Introduction (paperback ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780192804310.
• Paczkowski, Andrzej (2001). «The Storm Over the Black Book». The Wilson Quarterly. Vol. 25, no. 2. pp. 28–34. JSTOR 40260182.
• Patenaude, Bertrand M. (2017). «7 — Trotsky and Trotskyism». In Pons, Silvio; Quinn-Smith, Stephen A. (eds.). The Cambridge History of Communism. Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316137024. ISBN 9781316137024.
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• Rosser, Mariana V.; Barkley, J. Jr. (23 July 2003). Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy. MIT Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-0262182348. Ironically, the ideological father of communism, Karl Marx, claimed that communism entailed the withering away of the state. The dictatorship of the proletariat was to be a strictly temporary phenomenon. Well aware of this, the Soviet Communists never claimed to have achieved communism, always labeling their own system socialist rather than communist and viewing their system as in transition to communism.
• Safaei, Jalil (31 August 2011). «Post-Communist Health Transitions in Central and Eastern Europe». Economics Research International. 2012: 1–10. doi:10.1155/2012/137412.
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• Steele, David (1992). From Marx to Mises: Post-Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation. Open Court Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0-87548-449-5.
• Weiner, Amir (2002). «Review. Reviewed Work: The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression by Stéphane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartošek, Jean-Louis Margolin, Jonathan Murphy, Mark Kramer». Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 32 (3): 450–452. doi:10.1162/002219502753364263. JSTOR 3656222. S2CID 142217169.
• Wilczynski, J. (2008). The Economics of Socialism after World War Two: 1945–1990. Aldine Transaction. p. 21. ISBN 978-0202362281. Contrary to Western usage, these countries describe themselves as ‘Socialist’ (not ‘Communist’). The second stage (Marx’s ‘higher phase’), or ‘Communism’ is to be marked by an age of plenty, distribution according to needs (not work), the absence of money and the market mechanism, the disappearance of the last vestiges of capitalism and the ultimate ‘withering away’ of the State.
• Williams, Raymond (1983). «Socialism». Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (revised ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-19-520469-8. The decisive distinction between socialist and communist, as in one sense these terms are now ordinarily used, came with the renaming, in 1918, of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) as the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). From that time on, a distinction of socialist from communist, often with supporting definitions such as social democrat or democratic socialist, became widely current, although it is significant that all communist parties, in line with earlier usage, continued to describe themselves as socialist and dedicated to socialism.
• Wormack, Brantly (2001). «Maoism». In Baltes, Paul B.; Smelser, Neil J. (eds.). International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences. Vol. 20 (1st ed.). Elsevier. pp. 9191–9193. doi:10.1016/B0-08-043076-7/01173-6. ISBN 9780080430768.

«We want to achieve a new and better order of society: in this new and better society there must be neither rich nor poor; all will have to work. Not a handful of rich people, but all the working people must enjoy the fruits of their common labour. Machines and other improvements must serve to ease the work of all and not to enable a few to grow rich at the expense of millions and tens of millions of people. This new and better society is called socialist society. The teachings about this society are called ‘socialism’.»

Vladimir Lenin, To the Rural Poor (1903)^[160]

• American Communist History
• Anti anti-communism
• Commons-based peer production
• Communism by country
• Crimes against humanity under communist regimes
• Criticism of communist party rule
• Criticism of Marxism
• Crypto-communism
• List of communist parties
• Outline of Marxism
• Post-scarcity economy
• Sociocultural evolution
• Twentieth Century Communism

1. ^ Earlier forms of communism (utopian socialism and some earlier forms of religious communism), shared support for a classless society and common ownership but did not necessarily advocate revolutionary politics or engage in scientific analysis; that was done by Marxist communism, which has defined mainstream, modern communism, and has influenced all modern forms of communism. Such communisms, especially new religious or utopian forms of communism, may share the Marxist analysis, while favoring evolutionary politics, localism, or reformism. By the 20th century, communism has been associated with revolutionary socialism.^[15]
2. ^ Communism is capitalized by scholars of communism when referring to Communist party-ruling states and governments, which are considered to be proper nouns as a result.^[19] Following scholar Joel Kovel, sociologist Sara Diamond wrote: «I use uppercase ‘C’ Communism to refer to actually existing governments and movements and lowercase ‘c’ communism to refer to the varied movements and political currents organized around the ideal of a classless society.»^[20] The Black Book of Communism also adopted such distinction, stating that communism exists since millennia, while Communism (used in reference to Leninist and Marxist–Leninist communism as applied by Communist states in the 20th century) only began in 1917.^[21] Alan M. Wald wrote: «In order to tackle complex and often misunderstood political-literary relationships, I have adopted methods of capitalization in this book that may deviate from editorial norms practiced at certain journals and publishing houses. In particular, I capitalize ‘Communist’ and ‘Communism’ when referring to official parties of the Third International, but not when pertaining to other adherents of Bolshevism or revolutionary Marxism (which encompasses small-‘c’ communists such as Trotskyists, Bukharinists, council communists, and so forth).»^[22] In 1994, Communist Party USA activist Irwin Silber wrote: «When capitalized, the International Communist Movement refers to the formal organizational structure of the pro-Soviet Communist Parties. In lower case, the international communist movement is a more generic term referring to the general movement for communism.»^[23]
3. ^ ^{a b} Most scholars write about individual events, and make estimates of any deaths like any other historical event;^{[original research?]} some events are categorized by a Communist state’s particular era, such as Stalinist repression,^[31][32] rather than a connection to all Communist states, which came to cover one-third the world’s population by 1985.^[33]

   Historians such as Robert Conquest and J. Arch Getty mainly wrote and focused on the Stalin era; they wrote about people who died in the Gulag or as a result of Stalinist repression, and discussed estimates about those specific events, as part of the excess mortality debate in Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union, without connecting them to communism as a whole. They have vigorously debated, including on the Holodomor genocide question,^[34][35] but the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Revolutions of 1989, and the release of state archives put some of the heat out of the debate.^[36] Some historians, among them Michael Ellman, have questioned «the very category ‘victims of Stalinism'» as «a matter of political judgement» because mass deaths from famines are not a «uniquely Stalinist evil» and were widespread throughout the world in the 19th and 20th centuries.^[37] There exists very little literature that compares excess deaths under «the Big Three» of Stalin’s Soviet Union, Mao Zedong’s China, and Pol Pot’s Cambodia, and that which does exist mainly enumerates the events rather than explain their ideological reasons. One such example is Crimes Against Humanity Under Communist Regimes – Research Review by Klas-Göran Karlsson and Michael Schoenhals, a review study summarizing what others have stated about it, mentioning some authors who saw the origins of the killings in Karl Marx’s writings; the geographical scope is «the Big Three», and the authors state that killings were carried out as part of an unbalanced modernizing policy of rapid industrialization, asking «what marked the beginning of the unbalanced Russian modernisation process that was to have such terrible consequences?»^[38]

   Notable scholarly exceptions are historian Stéphane Courtois and political scientist Rudolph Rummel, who have attempted a connection between all Communist states; however, Rummel’s analysis was done within the framework of his proposed concept of democide, which includes any direct and indirect deaths by government, and did not limit himself to Communist states, which were categorized within the framework of totalitarianism alongside other regime-types. Rummel’s estimates are on the high-end of the spectrum, have been criticized and scrutinized, and are rejected by most scholars. Courtois’ attempts, as in the introduction to The Black Book of Communism, which have been described by some critical observers as a crudely anti-communist and antisemitic work, are controversial; many reviewers of the book, including scholars, criticized such attempts of lumping all Communist states and different sociological movements together as part of a Communist death toll totalling more than 94 million.^[39] Reviewers also distinguished the introduction from the book proper, which was better received and only presented a number of chapters on single-country studies, with no cross-cultural comparison, or discussion of mass killings; historian Andrzej Paczkowski wrote that only Courtois made the comparison between communism and Nazism, while the other sections of the book «are, in effect, narrowly focused monographs, which do not pretend to offer overarching explanations», and stated that the book is not «about communism as an ideology or even about communism as a state-building phenomenon.»^[40] More positive reviews found most of the criticism to be fair or warranted, with political scientist Stanley Hoffmann stating that «Courtois would have been far more effective if he had shown more restraint»,^[41] and Paczkowski stating that it has had two positive effects, among them stirring a debate about the implementation of totalitarian ideologies and «an exhaustive balance sheet about one aspect of the worldwide phenomenon of communism.»^[42]

   A Soviet and communist studies example is Steven Rosefielde’s Red Holocaust, which is controversial due to Holocaust trivialization; nonetheless, Rosefielde’s work mainly focused on «the Big Three» (Stalin era, Mao era, and the Khmer Rouge rule of Cambodia), plus Kim Il-sung’s North Korea and Ho Chi Minh’s Vietnam. Rosefielde’s main point is that Communism in general, although he focuses mostly on Stalinism, is less genocidal and that is a key distinction from Nazism, and did not make a connection between all Communist states or communism as an ideology. Rosefielde wrote that «the conditions for the Red Holocaust were rooted in Stalin’s, Kim’s, Mao’s, Ho’s and Pol Pot’s siege-mobilized terror-command economic systems, not in Marx’s utopian vision or other pragmatic communist transition mechanisms. Terror-command was chosen among other reasons because of legitimate fears about the long-term viability of terror-free command, and the ideological risks of market communism.»^[43]

4. ^ ^{a b} Some authors, such as Stéphane Courtois in The Black Book of Communism, stated that Communism killed more than Nazism and thus was worse; several scholars have criticized this view.^[44] After assessing twenty years of historical research in Eastern European archives, lower estimates by the «revisionist school» of historians have been vindicated,^[45] despite the popular press continuing to use higher estimates and containing serious errors.^[46] Historians such as Timothy D. Snyder stated it is taken for granted that Stalin killed more civilians than Hitler; for most scholars, excess mortality under Stalin was about 6 million, which rise to 9 million if foreseeable deaths arising from policies are taken into account. This estimate is less than those killed by Nazis, who killed more noncombatants than the Soviets did.^[47]
5. ^ While the Bolsheviks rested on hope of success of the 1917–1923 wave of proletarian revolutions in Western Europe before resulting in the socialism in one country policy after their failure, Marx’s view on the mir was shared not by self-professed Russian Marxists, who were mechanistic determinists, but by the Narodniks^[93] and the Socialist Revolutionary Party,^[94] one of the successors to the Narodniks, alongside the Popular Socialists and the Trudoviks.^[95]
6. ^ The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea refers to its leading ideology as Juche, which is portrayed as a development of Marxism–Leninism. In North Korea, Marxism–Leninism was superseded by Juche in the 1970s and was made official in 1992 and 2009, when constitutional references to Marxism–Leninism were dropped and replaced with Juche.^[137] In 2009, the constitution was quietly amended so that not only did it remove all Marxist–Leninist references present in the first draft but also dropped all references to communism.^[138] Juche has been described by some observers as a version of «Korean ultranationalism»,^[139] which eventually developed after losing its original Marxist–Leninist elements.^[140] Marxism–Leninism was largely abandoned after the start of de-Stalinisation in the Soviet Union and has been totally replaced by Juche since at least 1974.^[141]
7. ^ According to their proponents, Marxist–Leninist ideologies have been adapted to the material conditions of their respective countries and include Castroism (Cuba), Ceaușism (Romania), Gonzalo Thought (Peru), Guevarism (Cuba), Ho Chi Minh Thought (Vietnam), Hoxhaism (anti-revisionist Albania), Husakism (Czechoslovakia), Juche (North Korea), Kadarism (Hungary), Khmer Rouge (Cambodia), Khrushchevism (Soviet Union), Prachanda Path (Nepal), Shining Path (Peru), and Titoism (anti-Stalinist Yugoslavia).^[168][c]
8. ^ Most genocide scholars do not lump Communist states together, and do not treat genocidical events as a separate subjects, or by regime-type, and compare them to genocidical events which happened under vastly different regimes. Examples include Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Accounts,^[233] The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing,^[234] Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide,^[235] Resisting Genocide: The Multiple Forms of Rescue,^[236] and Final Solutions.^[237] Several of them are limited to the geographical locations of «the Big Three», or mainly the Cambodian genocide, whose culprit, the Khmer Rouge regime, was described by genocide scholar Helen Fein as following a xenophobic ideology bearing a stronger resemblance to «an almost forgotten phenomenon of national socialism», or fascism, rather than communism,^[238] while historian Ben Kiernan described it as «more racist and generically totalitarian than Marxist or specifically Communist»,^[239] or do not discuss Communist states, other than passing mentions. Such work is mainly done in an attempt to prevent genocides but has been described by scholars as a failure.^[240]
9. ^ Genocide scholar Barbara Harff maintains a global database on mass killings, which is intended mostly for statistical analysis of mass killings in attempt to identify the best predictors for their onset and data is not necessarily the most accurate for a given country, since some sources are general genocide scholars and not experts on local history;^[241] it includes anticommunist mass killings, such as the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–1966 (genocide and politicide), and some events which happened under Communist states, such as the 1959 Tibetan uprising (genocide and politicide), the Cambodian genocide (genocide and politicide), and the Cultural Revolution (politicide), but no comparative analysis or communist link is drawn, other than the events just happened to take place in some Communist states in Eastern Asia. The Harff database is the most frequently used by genocide scholars.^[242] Rudolph Rummel operated a similar database, but it was not limited to Communist states, it is mainly for statistical analysis, and in a comparative analysis has been criticized by other scholars, over that of Harff,^[241] for his estimates and statistical methodology, which showed some flaws.^[243]
10. ^ In their criticism of The Black Book of Communism, which popularized the topic, several scholars have questioned, in the words of Alexander Dallin, «[w]hether all these cases, from Hungary to Afghanistan, have a single essence and thus deserve to be lumped together—just because they are labeled Marxist or communist—is a question the authors scarcely discuss.»^[68] In particular, historians Jens Mecklenburg and Wolfgang Wippermann stated that a connection between the events in Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union and Pol Pot’s Cambodia are far from evident and that Pol Pot’s study of Marxism in Paris is insufficient for connecting radical Soviet industrialism and the Khmer Rouge’s murderous anti-urbanism under the same category.^[245] Historian Michael David-Fox criticized the figures as well as the idea to combine loosely connected events under a single category of Communist death toll, blaming Stéphane Courtois for their manipulation and deliberate inflation which are presented to advocate the idea that communism was a greater evil than Nazism. David-Fox criticized the idea to connect the deaths with some «generic Communism» concept, defined down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals.^[67] A similar criticism was made by Le Monde.^[246] Allegation of a communist or red Holocaust is not popular among scholars in Germany or internationally,^[247] and is considered a form of softcore antisemitism and Holocaust trivialization.^[248]
11. ^ The Cambodia case is particular because it is different from the emphasis Stalin’s Soviet Union and Mao’s China gave to heavy industry. The goal of Khmer Rouge’s leaders goal was to introduce communism in an extremely short period of time through collectivization of agriculture in the effort to remove social differences and inequalities between rural and urban areas.^[38] As there was not much industry in Cambodia at that time, Pol Pot’s strategy to accomplish this was to increase agricultural production in order to obtain money for rapid industrialization.^[254]

    In analyzing the Khmer Rouge regime, scholars place it within the historical context. The Khmer Rouge came to power through the Cambodian Civil War (where unparalleled atrocities were executed on both sides) and Operation Menu, resulting in the dropping of more than half a million tonnes of bombs in the country during the civil-war period; this was mainly directed to Communist Vietnam but it gave the Khmer Rouge a justification to eliminate the pro-Vietnamese faction and other communists.^[38] The Cambodian genocide, which is described by many scholars as a genocide and by others such as Manus Midlarsky as a politicide,^[250] was stopped by Communist Vietnam, and there have been allegations of United States support for the Khmer Rouge. South East Asian communism was deeply divided, as China supported the Khmer Rouge, while the Soviet Union and Vietnam opposed it. The United States supported Lon Nol, who seized power in the 1970 Cambodian coup d’état, and research has shown that everything in Cambodia was seen as a legitimate target by the United States, whose verdict of its main leaders at that time (Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger) has been harsh, and bombs were gradually dropped on increasingly densely populated areas.^[38]

1. ^ ^{a b c} Engels (1970), pp. 95–151; «But, the transformation—either into joint-stock companies and trusts, or into State-ownership—does not do away with the capitalistic nature of the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies and trusts, this is obvious. And the modern State, again, is only the organization that bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments as well of the workers as of individual capitalists. The modern state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine—the state of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national capital. The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers—proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done away with. It is, rather, brought to a head. But, brought to a head, it topples over. State-ownership of the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the elements of that solution.»
2. ^ Morgan (2015): «‘Marxism–Leninism’ was the formal name of the official state ideology adopted by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), its satellite states in Eastern Europe, the Asian communist regimes, and various ‘scientific socialist’ regimes in the Third World during the Cold War. As such, the term is simultaneously misleading and revealing. It is misleading, since neither Marx nor Lenin ever sanctioned the creation of an eponymous ‘ism’; indeed, the term Marxism–Leninism was formulated only in the period of Stalin’s rise to power after Lenin’s death. It is revealing, because the Stalinist institutionalization of Marxism–Leninism in the 1930s did contain three identifiable, dogmatic principles that became the explicit model for all later Soviet-type regimes: dialectical materialism as the only true proletarian basis for philosophy, the leading role of the communist party as the central principle of Marxist politics, and state-led planned industrialization and agricultural collectivization as the foundation of socialist economics. The global influence of these three doctrinal and institutional innovations makes the term Marxist–Leninist a convenient label for a distinct sort of ideological order—one which, at the height of its power and influence, dominated one-third of the world’s population.»
3. ^ Morgan (2001): «As communist Parties emerged around the world, encouraged both by the success of the Soviet Party in establishing Russia’s independence from foreign domination and by clandestine monetary subsidies from the Soviet comrades, they became identifiable by their adherence to a common political ideology known as Marxism–Leninism. Of course from the very beginning Marxism–Leninism existed in many variants. The conditions were themselves an effort to enforce a minimal degree of uniformity on diverse conceptions of communist identity. Adherence to the ideas of ‘Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Trotsky’ characterized the Trotskyists who soon broke off in a ‘Fourth International.‘«
4. ^ Engels (1970); «The proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms the socialized means of production, slipping from the hands of the bourgeoisie, into public property. By this act, the proletariat frees the means of production from the character of capital they have thus far borne, and gives their socialized character complete freedom to work itself out.»
5. ^ Morgan (2001), p. 2332: ‘«Marxism–Leninism–Maoism’ became the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and of the splinter parties that broke off from national communist parties after the Chinese definitively split with the Soviets in 1963. Italian communists continued to be influenced by the ideas of Antonio Gramsci, whose independent conception of the reasons why the working class in industrial countries remained politically quiescent bore far more democratic implications than Lenin’s own explanation of worker passivity. Until Stalin’s death, the Soviet Party referred to its own ideology as ‘Marxism–Leninism–Stalinism.‘«
6. ^ Kropotkin, Peter. «Communism and Anarchy». Archived from the original on 28 July 2011. Communism is the one which guarantees the greatest amount of individual liberty—provided that the idea that begets the community be Liberty, Anarchy … Communism guarantees economic freedom better than any other form of association, because it can guarantee wellbeing, even luxury, in return for a few hours of work instead of a day’s work.
7. ^ Morgan (2015): «Communist ideas have acquired a new meaning since 1918. They became equivalent to the ideas of Marxism–Leninism, that is, the interpretation of Marxism by Lenin and his successors. Endorsing the final objective, namely, the creation of a community owning means of production and providing each of its participants with consumption ‘according to their needs’, they put forward the recognition of the class struggle as a dominating principle of a social development. In addition, workers (i.e., the proletariat) were to carry out the mission of reconstruction of the society. Conducting a socialist revolution headed by the avant-garde of the proletariat, that is, the party, was hailed to be a historical necessity. Moreover, the introduction of the proletariat dictatorship was advocated and hostile classes were to be liquidated.»

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4. ^ «Left». Encyclopædia Britannica. 15 April 2009. Retrieved 22 May 2022. communism is a more radical leftist ideology.
5. ^ «Radical left». Dictionary.com. Retrieved 16 July 2022. Radical left is a term that refers collectively to people who hold left-wing political views that are considered extreme, such as supporting or working to establish communism, Marxism, Maoism, socialism, anarchism, or other forms of anticapitalism. The radical left is sometimes called the far left.
6. ^ Ely, Richard T (1883). French and German socialism in modern times. New York: Harper & Brothers. pp. 35–36. OCLC 456632. All communists without exception propose that the people as a whole, or some particular division of the people, as a village or commune, should own all the means of production—land, houses, factories, railroads, canals, etc.; that production should be carried on in common; and that officers, selected in one way or another, should distribute among the inhabitants the fruits of their labor.
7. ^ ^{a b} Steele (1992), p. 43: «One widespread distinction was that socialism socialised production only while communism socialised production and consumption.»
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55. ^ Ely, Richard T. (1883). French and German socialism in modern times. New York: Harper & Brothers. pp. 29–30. OCLC 456632. The central idea of communism is economic equality. It is desired by communists that all ranks and differences in society should disappear, and one man be as good as another… The distinctive idea of socialism is distributive justice. It goes back of the processes of modern life to the fact that he who does not work, lives on the labor of others. It aims to distribute economic goods according to the services rendered by the recipients… Every communist is a socialist, and something more. Not every socialist is a communist.
56. ^ ^{a b} Steele (1992), pp. 44–45: «By 1888, the term ‘socialism’ was in general use among Marxists, who had dropped ‘communism’, now considered an old fashioned term meaning the same as ‘socialism’. … At the turn of the century, Marxists called themselves socialists. … The definition of socialism and communism as successive stages was introduced into Marxist theory by Lenin in 1917 …, the new distinction was helpful to Lenin in defending his party against the traditional Marxist criticism that Russia was too backward for a socialist revolution.»
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246. ^ Malia, Martin (October 1999). «Preface». The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press. p. xiv. ISBN 978-0-674-07608-2. Retrieved 12 August 2021 – via Google Books. … commentators in the liberal Le Monde argue that it is illegitimate to speak of a single Communist movement from Phnom Penh to Paris. Rather, the rampage of the Khmer Rouge is like the ethnic massacres of third-world Rwanda, or the ‘rural’ Communism of Asia is radically different from the ‘urban’ Communism of Europe; or Asian Communism is really only anticolonial nationalism. … conflating sociologically diverse movements is merely a stratagem to obtain a higher body count against Communism, and thus against all the left.
247. ^ Hackmann, Jörg (March 2009). «From National Victims to Transnational Bystanders? The Changing Commemoration of World War II in Central and Eastern Europe». Constellations. 16 (1): 167–181. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2009.00526.x.
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249. ^ Valentino, Benjamin (2005). Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-801-47273-2. I contend mass killing occurs when powerful groups come to believe it is the best available means to accomplish certain radical goals, counter specific types of threats, or solve difficult military problem.
250. ^ ^{a b} Straus, Scott (April 2007). «Review: Second-Generation Comparative Research on Genocide». World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 59 (3): 476–501. doi:10.1017/S004388710002089X. JSTOR 40060166. S2CID 144879341.
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253. ^ Pipes, Richard (2001). Communism: a history. New York: Modern Library. p. 147. ISBN 0-679-64050-9. OCLC 47924025.
254. ^ Mann, Michael (2005). The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 343. ISBN 9780521538541. Retrieved 28 August 2021 – via Google Books. As in other Communist development plans, this agricultural surplus, essentially rice, could be exported to pay for the import of machinery, first for agriculture and light industry, later for heavy industry (Chandler, 1992: 120–8).
255. ^ ^{a b} Grant, Robert (November 1999). «Review: The Lost Literature of Socialism». The Review of English Studies. 50 (200): 557–559. doi:10.1093/res/50.200.557.
256. ^ Ijabs, Ivars (23 May 2008). «Cienīga atbilde: Soviet Story» [Worthy answer: Soviet Story]. Latvijas Vēstnesis (in Latvian). Archived from the original on 20 July 2011. Retrieved 15 June 2008. To present Karl Marx as the ‘progenitor of modern genocide’ is simply to lie.
257. ^ Liedy, Amy Shannon; Ruble, Blair (7 March 2011). «Holocaust Revisionism, Ultranationalism, and the Nazi/Soviet ‘Double Genocide’ Debate in Eastern Europe». Wilson Center. Retrieved 14 November 2020.
258. ^ Shafir, Michael (Summer 2016). «Ideology, Memory and Religion in Post-Communist East Central Europe: A Comparative Study Focused on Post-Holocaust». Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies. 15 (44): 52–110.
259. ^ ^{a b c} «Latvia’s ‘Soviet Story’. Transitional Justice and the Politics of Commemoration». Satory. 26 October 2009. Retrieved 6 August 2021.
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261. ^ ^{a b c d} Engel-Di Mauro et al. 2021.
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264. ^ Sullivan, Dylan; Hickel, Jason (2 December 2022). «How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years». Al Jazeera. Retrieved 14 December 2022. While the precise number of deaths is sensitive to the assumptions we make about baseline mortality, it is clear that somewhere in the vicinity of 100 million people died prematurely at the height of British colonialism. This is among the largest policy-induced mortality crises in human history. It is larger than the combined number of deaths that occurred during all famines in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, North Korea, Pol Pot’s Cambodia, and Mengistu’s Ethiopia.
265. ^ Bosteels, Bruno (2014). The Actuality of Communism (paper back ed.). New York City, New York: Verso Books. ISBN 9781781687673.
266. ^ Taras, Raymond C. (2015) [1992]. The Road to Disillusion: From Critical Marxism to Post-Communism in Eastern Europe (E-book ed.). London: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781317454786.
267. ^ Kaprāns, Mārtiņš (2 May 2015). «Hegemonic representations of the past and digital agency: Giving meaning to ‘The Soviet Story’ on social networking sites». Memory Studies. 9 (2): 156–172. doi:10.1177/1750698015587151. S2CID 142458412.
268. ^ Neumayer, Laure (November 2017). «Advocating for the Cause of the ‘Victims of Communism’ in the European Political Space: Memory Entrepreneurs in Interstitial Fields». Nationalities Papers. Cambridge University Press. 45 (6): 992–1012. doi:10.1080/00905992.2017.1364230.
269. ^ Dujisin, Zoltan (July 2020). «A History of Post-Communist Remembrance: From Memory Politics to the Emergence of a Field of Anticommunism». Theory and Society. 50 (January 2021): 65–96. doi:10.1007/s11186-020-09401-5. S2CID 225580086. This article invites the view that the Europeanization of an antitotalitarian ‘collective memory’ of communism reveals the emergence of a field of anticommunism. This transnational field is inextricably tied to the proliferation of state-sponsored and anticommunist memory institutes across Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), … [and is proposed by] anticommunist memory entrepreneurs.
270. ^ Doumanis, Nicholas, ed. (2016). The Oxford Handbook of European History, 1914–1945 (E-book ed.). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. pp. 377–378. ISBN 9780191017759.
271. ^ Rauch, Jonathan (December 2003). «The Forgotten Millions». The Atlantic. Retrieved 20 December 2020.
272. ^ Mrozick, Agnieszka (2019). Kuligowski, Piotr; Moll, Łukasz; Szadkowski, Krystian (eds.). «Anti-Communism: It’s High Time to Diagnose and Counteract». Praktyka Teoretyczna. Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. 1 (31, Anti-Communisms: Discourses of Exclusion): 178–184. Retrieved 26 December 2020 – via Central and Eastern European Online Library. First is the prevalence of a totalitarian paradigm, in which Nazism and Communism are equated as the most atrocious ideas and systems in human history (because communism, defined by Marx as a classless society with common means of production, has never been realised anywhere in the world, in further parts I will be putting this concept into inverted commas as an example of discursive practice). Significantly, while in the Western debate the more precise term ‘Stalinism’ is used – in 2008, on the 70th anniversary of the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact, the European Parliament established 23 August as the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism – hardly anyone in Poland is paying attention to niceties: ‘communism’ or the left, is perceived as totalitarian here. A homogenizing sequence of associations (the left is communism, communism is totalitarianism, ergo the left is totalitarian) and the ahistorical character of the concepts used (no matter if we talk about the USSR in the 1930s under Stalin, Maoist China from the period of the Cultural Revolution, or Poland under Gierek, ‘communism’ is murderous all the same) not only serves the denigration of the Polish People’s Republic, expelling this period from Polish history, but also – or perhaps primarily – the deprecation of Marxism, leftist programs, and any hopes and beliefs in Marxism and leftist activity as a remedy for capitalist exploitation, social inequality, fascist violence on a racist and anti-Semitic basis, as well as homophobic and misogynist violence. The totalitarian paradigm not only equates fascism and socialism (in Poland and the countries of the former Eastern bloc stubbornly called ‘communism’ and pressed into the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union, which should additionally emphasize its foreignness), but in fact recognizes the latter as worse, more sinister (the Black Book of Communism (1997) is of help here as it estimates the number of victims of ‘communism’ at around 100 million; however, it is critically commented on by researchers on the subject, including historian Enzo Traverso in the book L’histoire comme champ de bataille (2011)). Thus, anti-communism not only delegitimises the left, including communists, and depreciates the contribution of the left to the breakdown of fascism in 1945, but also contributes to the rehabilitation of the latter, as we can see in recent cases in Europe and other places. (Quote at pp. 178–179)
273. ^ Moll, Łukasz (2019). Kuligowski, Piotr; Moll, Łukasz; Szadkowski, Krystian (eds.). «Erasure of the Common: From Polish Anti-Communism to Universal Anti-Capitalism». Praktyka Teoretyczna. Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. 1 (31, Anti-Communisms: Discourses of Exclusion): 178–184. Retrieved 26 December 2020 – via Central and Eastern European Online Library. As we have learned lately from public television, when the two hundredth anniversary of Karl Marx’s birthday was celebrated abroad, according to right-wing journalists Marx was responsible even for Nazism and the Holocaust (Leszczyński 2018). As former Foreign Minister in Law and Justice’s government Witold Waszczykowski elaborated in an interview with German daily newspaper Bild:
     

     We just want to heal our country of certain diseases. The previous government applied a left-wing concept. As if the world, according to the Marxist model, must move in only one direction, towards a mixture of cultures and a world of cyclists and vegetarians, which stands only for renewable energy and combating all forms of religion. This has nothing in common with traditional Polish values (Cienski 2017).

     It is hard to find a better manifestation of right-wing all-encompassing anti-communism, which mixes together nearly all possible progressive discourses. (Quote at pp. 126–127)

274. ^ ^{a b} Jaffrelot, Christophe; Sémelin, Jacques, eds. (2009). Purify and Destroy: The Political Uses of Massacre and Genocide. CERI Series in Comparative Politics and International Studies. Translated by Schoch, Cynthia. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 37. ISBN 978-0-231-14283-0.
275. ^ ^{a b} Ghodsee, Kristen (2014). «A Tale of ‘Two Totalitarianisms’: The Crisis of Capitalism and the Historical Memory of Communism» (PDF). History of the Present. 4 (2): 115–142. doi:10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115. JSTOR 10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115.
276. ^ ^{a b} Neumayer, Laure (2018). The Criminalisation of Communism in the European Political Space after the Cold War. Routledge. ISBN 9781351141741.
277. ^ Kühne, Thomas (May 2012). «Great Men and Large Numbers: Undertheorising a History of Mass Killing». Contemporary European History. 21 (2): 133–143. doi:10.1017/S0960777312000070. ISSN 0960-7773. JSTOR 41485456. S2CID 143701601.
278. ^ Scheidel, Walter (2017). «Chapter 7: Communism». The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691165028.
279. ^ Scheidel, Walter (2017). The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press. p. 222. ISBN 978-0691165028.
280. ^ Natsios, Andrew S. (2002). The Great North Korean Famine. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN 1929223331.
281. ^ Ther, Philipp (2016). Europe Since 1989: A History. Princeton University Press. p. 132. ISBN 978-0-691-16737-4. Stalinist regimes aimed to catapult the predominantly agrarian societies into the modern age by swift industrialization. At the same time, they hoped to produce politically loyal working classes by mass employment in large state industries. Steelworks were built in Eisenhüttenstadt (GDR), Nowa Huta (Poland), Košice (Slovakia), and Miskolc (Hungary), as were various mechanical engineering and chemical combines and other industrial sites. As a result of communist modernization, living standards in Eastern Europe rose. Planned economies, moreover, meant that wages, salaries, and the prices of consumer goods were fixed. Although the communists were not able to cancel out all regional differences, they succeeded in creating largely egalitarian societies.
282. ^ Milanović, Branko (2015). «After the Wall Fell: The Poor Balance Sheet of the Transition to Capitalism». Challenge. 58 (2): 135–138. doi:10.1080/05775132.2015.1012402. S2CID 153398717. So, what is the balance sheet of transition? Only three or at most five or six countries could be said to be on the road to becoming a part of the rich and (relatively) stable capitalist world. Many of the other countries are falling behind, and some are so far behind that they cannot aspire to go back to the point where they were when the Wall fell for several decades.
283. ^ ^{a b} Ghodsee, Kristen; Orenstein, Mitchell A. (2021). Taking Stock of Shock: Social Consequences of the 1989 Revolutions. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 78. doi:10.1093/oso/9780197549230.001.0001. ISBN 978-0197549247.
284. ^ Scheidel, Walter (2017). The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press. pp. 51, 222–223. ISBN 978-0691165028. Following the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and then of the Soviet Union itself in late 1991, exploding poverty drove the surge in income inequality.
285. ^ Mattei, Clara E. (2022). The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism. University of Chicago Press. pp. 301–302. ISBN 978-0226818399. «If, in 1987–1988, 2 percent of the Russian people lived in poverty (i.e., survived on less than $4 a day), by 1993–1995 the number reached 50 percent: in just seven years half the Russian population became destitute.
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