Пабло эскобар как пишется на английском

In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Escobar and the second or maternal family name is Gaviria.

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (; Spanish: [ˈpaβlo es.koˈβ̞aɾ]; 1 December 1949 – 2 December 1993) was a Colombian drug lord and narcoterrorist who was the founder and sole leader of the Medellín Cartel. Dubbed «the king of cocaine», Escobar is the wealthiest criminal in history, having amassed an estimated net worth of US$30 billion by the time of his death—equivalent to $70 billion as of 2022—while his drug cartel monopolized the cocaine trade into the United States in the 1980s and early 1990s.[1][2]

Pablo Escobar

Pablo Escobar Mug.jpg

Escobar in a 1976 mugshot

Member of the Chamber of Representatives for Medellin
In office
20 July 1982 – 26 October 1983
Personal details
Born

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria

1 December 1949
Rionegro, Antioquia, Colombia

Died 2 December 1993 (aged 44)
Medellín, Antioquia, Colombia
Cause of death Gunshot wound to the head
Resting place Monte Sacro Cemetery
Political party Liberal Alternative
Spouse

Maria Victoria Henao

(m. 1976)​

Children 2, including Sebastián Marroquín
Signature
Other names
  • Don Pablo (Sir Pablo)
  • El Padrino (The Godfather)
  • El Patrón (The Boss)
  • Matar Pablo (Killing Pablo)
  • The King of Cocaine
  • The King of Crack
  • Paisa Robin Hood
Conviction(s) Illegal drug trade, assassinations, bombing, bribery, racketeering, murder
Criminal penalty Five years’ imprisonment

Born in Rionegro and raised in Medellín, Escobar studied briefly at Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana of Medellín, but left without graduating; he instead began engaging in criminal activity, selling illegal cigarettes and fake lottery tickets, as well as participating in motor vehicle theft. In the early 1970s, he began to work for various drug smugglers, often kidnapping and holding people for ransom.

In 1976, Escobar founded the Medellín Cartel, which distributed powder cocaine, and established the first smuggling routes from Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, through Colombia and eventually into the United States. Escobar’s infiltration into the U.S. created exponential demand for cocaine and by the 1980s it was estimated Escobar led monthly shipments of 70 to 80 tons of cocaine into the country from Colombia. As a result, he quickly became one of the richest people in the world,[3][4] but constantly battled rival cartels domestically and abroad, leading to massacres and the murders of police officers, judges, locals, and prominent politicians,[5] making Colombia the murder capital of the world.[6]

In the 1982 Colombian parliamentary election, Escobar was elected as an alternate member of the Chamber of Representatives as part of the Liberal Alternative movement. Through this, he was responsible for community projects such as the construction of houses and football fields, which gained him popularity among the locals of the towns that he frequented. However, Escobar’s political ambitions were thwarted by the Colombian and U.S. governments, who routinely pushed for his arrest, with Escobar widely believed to have orchestrated the DAS Building and Avianca Flight 203 bombings in retaliation.

In 1991, Escobar surrendered to authorities, and was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment on a host of charges, but struck a deal of no extradition with Colombian President Cesar Gaviria, with the ability of being housed in his own, self-built prison, La Catedral. In 1992, Escobar escaped and went into hiding when authorities attempted to move him to a more standard holding facility, leading to a nationwide manhunt.[7] As a result, the Medellín Cartel crumbled, and in 1993, Escobar was killed in his hometown by Colombian National Police, a day after his 44th birthday.[8]

Escobar’s legacy remains controversial; while many denounce the heinous nature of his crimes, he was seen as a «Robin Hood-like» figure for many in Colombia, as he provided many amenities to the poor. His killing was mourned and his funeral attended by over 25,000 people.[9] Additionally, his private estate, Hacienda Nápoles, has been transformed into a theme park.[10] His life has also served as inspiration for or has been dramatized widely in film, television, and in music.

Early life

The city of Medellín, where Escobar grew up and began his criminal career.

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria was born on 1 December 1949 in Rionegro, Antioquia Department. He was the third child of seven children and grew up in the neighboring city of Medellin. His father was a small farmer and his mother was a teacher. Escobar left high school in 1966 just before his 17th birthday, before returning two years later with his cousin Gustavo Gaviria. At this time, the hard life on the streets of Medellin had polished them into gangster bullies in the eyes of teachers. The two dropped out of school after more than a year, but Escobar, who did not give up, briefly became autonomous in Latin America by forging high school diplomas. He then studied in college with the goal of becoming a criminal lawyer, a politician, and eventually the president, but had to give up because of lack of money.[11][12][13]

Criminal career

Cocaine distribution

International drug routes.

Escobar began his criminal career in 1966. Escobar is rumored to have started his criminal career with his gang by stealing tombstones, sandblasting their inscriptions, and reselling them, though his most likely first crime was street fraud. After dropping out of school, Escobar began to join car theft gangs, and at the age of 20 was already a household name for car thieves. He and his gang stole cars and dismantled them to sell their parts, and with enough money on hand, Escobar bribed officials to launder his loot. While arrest records have been lost, Escobar apparently sat in a Medellin prison for several months before his 20th birthday. Escobar soon became involved in violent crime, employing criminals to kidnap people who owed him money and demand ransoms, sometimes tearing up tickets even when Escobar received the ransom. His most famous kidnapping victim was businessman Diego Echavarria, who was kidnapped and eventually killed in the summer of 1971, Escobar received a $50,000 ransom from the Echavarria family; his gang became well-known for this kidnapping.[14]

Medellin Group

Escobar had been involved in organized crime for a decade when the cocaine trade began to spread in Colombia in the mid-1970s. One of Colombia’s first drug dealers was Fabio Restrepo, who shipped about 40 to 60 kilograms of cocaine to Miami once or twice a year. Under Escobar’s mastermind, Restrepo was assassinated in 1975, and Escobar seized his market and business. Escobar’s meteoric rise also caught the attention of the Colombian Security Service (DAS), who arrested him in May 1976 on his return from drug trafficking in Ecuador. DAS agents found 39 kg of cocaine in the spare tire of Escobar’s car. Escobar managed to change the first judge in the lawsuit and bribed the second judge, so he was released along with other prisoners. The following year, the agent who arrested Escobar was assassinated. Escobar continued to collude with law enforcement in the same fashion. His strategy came to be known as «silver or lead,» or «money or bullets.»[12][15] Although the Medellin Group was only established in the early 1970s, it expanded after Escobar met several drug lords on a farm in April 1978, and by the end of 1978 they had transported some 19,000 kilograms of cocaine to the United States.[16]

Rise to prominence

Powder cocaine was manufactured, packaged, and sold by Pablo Escobar and his associates, and eventually distributed to the U.S. drug market.

Soon, the demand for cocaine greatly increased in the United States, which led to Escobar organizing more smuggling shipments, routes, and distribution networks in South Florida, California, Puerto Rico, and other parts of the country. He and cartel co-founder Carlos Lehder worked together to develop a new trans-shipment point in the Bahamas, an island called Norman’s Cay about 350 km (220 mi) southeast of the Florida coast. According to his brother, Escobar did not purchase Norman’s Cay; it was instead a sole venture of Lehder’s. Escobar and Robert Vesco purchased most of the land on the island, which included a 1-kilometre (3,300 ft) airstrip, a harbor, a hotel, houses, boats, and aircraft, and they built a refrigerated warehouse to store the cocaine. From 1978 to 1982, this was used as a central smuggling route for the Medellín Cartel. With the enormous profits generated by this route, Escobar was soon able to purchase 20 square kilometres (7.7 sq mi) of land in Antioquia for several million dollars, on which he built the Hacienda Nápoles. The luxury house he created contained a zoo, a lake, a sculpture garden, a private bullring, and other amenities for his family and the cartel.[17]

Escobar at the height of his power

Escobar was also involved in philanthropy in Colombia and paid handsomely for the staff of his cocaine lab. Escobar spent millions developing some of Medellín’s poorest neighborhoods. He helped build roads, power lines and soccer fields. He also built housing complexes for the homeless. Escobar also entered politics in the 1970s and participated in and supported the formation of the Liberal Party of Colombia. In 1982, he successfully entered the Colombian Congress. Although only an alternate, he was automatically granted parliamentary immunity and the right to a diplomatic passport under Colombian law. At the same time, Escobar was gradually becoming a public figure, and because of his charitable work, he was known as «Robin Hood Paisa.» He alleged once in an interview that his fortune came from a bicycle rental company he founded when he was 16 years old.[18]

In Congress, the new Minister of Justice, Rodrigo Lara-Bonilla, had become Escobar’s opponent, accusing Escobar of criminal activity from the very first day of Congress. Escobar’s arrest in 1976 was investigated by Lara-Bonilla’s subordinates. A few months later, Liberal leader Luis Carlos Galán expelled Escobar from the party. Although Escobar fought back, he announced his retirement from politics in January 1984. Three months later, Lara-Bonilla was murdered.[19]

The Colombian judiciary had been a target of Escobar throughout the mid-1980s. While bribing and murdering several judges, in the fall of 1985, the wanted Escobar requested the Colombian government to allow his conditional surrender without extradition to the United States. The proposal was initially answered in the negative, and Escobar subsequently founded and implicitly supported the Los Extraditable Organization, which aims to fight extradition policy. The Los Extraditable Organization was subsequently accused of participating in an effort to prevent the Colombian Supreme Court from studying the constitutionality of Colombia’s extradition treaty with the United States. In support of the 6 November 1985, far-left guerrilla movement that attacked the Colombian Judiciary Building and killed half of the justices of the Supreme Court. In late 1986, Colombia’s Supreme Court declared the previous extradition treaty illegal due to being signed by a presidential delegation, not the president. Escobar’s victory over the judiciary was short-lived, with new president Bill Jillo Barr Co Vargas having quickly renewed his agreement with the United States.[20][21]

Escobar still held a grudge against Luis Carlos Galán, who kicked him out of politics, and was assassinated on 18 August 1989, at Escobar’s orders. Escobar then planted a bomb on Avianca Flight 203 in an attempt to assassinate Galán’s successor, Cesar Gaviria Trujillo, who missed the plane and survived, but was on board. All 107 people were killed in the blast. Because two Americans were also killed in the bombing, the U.S. government began to intervene directly.[22][23]

La Catedral prison

After the assassination of Luis Carlos Galán, the administration of César Gaviria moved against Escobar and the drug cartels. Eventually, the government negotiated with Escobar and convinced him to surrender and cease all criminal activity in exchange for a reduced sentence and preferential treatment during his captivity. Declaring an end to a series of previous violent acts meant to pressure authorities and public opinion, Escobar surrendered to Colombian authorities in 1991. Before he gave himself up, the extradition of Colombian citizens to the United States had been prohibited by the newly approved Colombian Constitution of 1991. This act was controversial, as it was suspected that Escobar and other drug lords had influenced members of the Constituent Assembly in passing the law. Escobar was confined in what became his own luxurious private prison, La Catedral, which featured a football pitch, a giant dollhouse, a bar, a Jacuzzi, and a waterfall. Accounts of Escobar’s continued criminal activities while in prison began to surface in the media, which prompted the government to attempt to move him to a more conventional jail on 22 July 1992. Escobar’s influence allowed him to discover the plan in advance and make a successful escape, spending the remainder of his life evading the police.[24][25]

Personal life

Family and relationships

In March 1976, the 26-year-old Escobar married María Victoria Henao, who was 15. The relationship was discouraged by the Henao family, who considered Escobar socially inferior; the pair eloped.[26] They had two children: Juan Pablo (now Sebastián Marroquín) and Manuela.

In 2007, the journalist Virginia Vallejo published her memoir Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), in which she describes her romantic relationship with Escobar and the links of her lover with several presidents, Caribbean dictators, and high-profile politicians.[27] Her book inspired the movie Loving Pablo (2017).[28]

A drug distributor, Griselda Blanco, is also reported to have conducted a clandestine, but passionate, relationship with Escobar; several items in her diary link him with the nicknames «Coque de Mi Rey» (My Coke King) and «Polla Blanca» (White Cock).[29]

Properties

After becoming wealthy, Escobar created or bought numerous residences and safe houses, with the Hacienda Nápoles gaining significant notoriety. The luxury house contained a colonial house, a sculpture park, and a complete zoo with animals from various continents, including elephants, exotic birds, giraffes, and hippopotamuses. Escobar had also planned to construct a Greek-style citadel near it, and though construction of the citadel was started, it was never finished.[30]

Escobar also owned a home in the US under his own name: a 6,500 square foot (604 m2), pink, waterfront mansion situated at 5860 North Bay Road in Miami Beach, Florida. The four-bedroom estate, built in 1948 on Biscayne Bay, was seized by the US federal government in the 1980s. Later, the dilapidated property was owned by Christian de Berdouare, proprietor of the Chicken Kitchen fast-food chain, who had bought it in 2014. De Berdouare would later hire a documentary film crew and professional treasure hunters to search the edifice before and after demolition, for anything related to Escobar or his cartel. They would find unusual holes in floors and walls, as well as a safe that was stolen from its hole in the marble flooring before it could be properly examined.[31]

Escobar also owned a huge Caribbean getaway on Isla Grande, the largest of the cluster of the 27 coral cluster islands comprising Islas del Rosario, located about 35 km (22 mi) from Cartagena. The compound, now half-demolished and overtaken by vegetation and wild animals, featured a mansion, apartments, courtyards, a large swimming pool, a helicopter landing pad, reinforced windows, tiled floors, and a large but unfinished building to the side of the mansion.[32]

Death

Members of Search Bloc celebrate over Escobar’s body on 2 December 1993. His death ended a 16-month search effort, costing hundreds of millions of dollars.

The tomb of Pablo Escobar and family in the Monte Sacro Cemetery, Itagüí

Escobar faced threats from the Colombian police, the U.S. government and his rival, the Cali Cartel. On 2 December 1993, Escobar was found in a house in a middle-class residential area of Medellin by Colombian special forces using technology provided by the United States. Police tried to arrest Escobar, but the situation quickly escalated to an exchange of gun fire. Escobar was shot and killed while trying to escape from the roof. He was hit by bullets in the torso and feet, and a bullet which struck him in the ear killing him. This sparked debate about whether he killed himself or whether he was shot dead.[12]

Aftermath of his death

Soon after Escobar’s death and the subsequent fragmentation of the Medellín Cartel, the cocaine market became dominated by the rival Cali Cartel until the mid-1990s when its leaders were either killed or captured by the Colombian government. The Robin Hood image that Escobar had cultivated maintained a lasting influence in Medellín. Many there, especially many of the city’s poor whom Escobar had aided while he was alive, mourned his death, and over 25,000 people attended his funeral. Some of them consider him a saint and pray to him for receiving divine help. Escobar was buried at the Monte Sacro Cemetery.[33]

Virginia Vallejo’s testimony

On 4 July 2006, Virginia Vallejo, a television anchorwoman romantically involved with Escobar from 1983 to 1987, offered Attorney General Mario Iguarán her testimony in the trial against former Senator Alberto Santofimio, who was accused of conspiracy in the 1989 assassination of presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán. Iguarán acknowledged that, although Vallejo had contacted his office on 4 July, the judge had decided to close the trial on 9 July, several weeks before the prospective closing date. The action was seen as too late.[34][35]

On 18 July 2006, Vallejo was taken to the United States on a special flight of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), for «safety and security reasons» due to her cooperation in high-profile criminal cases.[36][37] On 24 July, a video in which Vallejo had accused Santofimio of instigating Escobar to eliminate presidential candidate Galán was aired by RCN Television of Colombia. The video was seen by 14 million people, and was instrumental for the reopened case of Galán’s assassination. On 31 August 2011 Santofimio was sentenced to 24 years in prison for his role in the crime.[38][39]

Role in the Palace of Justice siege

Among Escobar’s biographers, only Vallejo has given a detailed explanation of his role in the 1985 Palace of Justice siege. The journalist stated that Escobar had financed the operation, which was committed by M-19; but she blamed the army for the killings of more than 100 people, including 11 Supreme Court magistrates, M-19 members, and employees of the cafeteria. Her statements prompted the reopening of the case in 2008; Vallejo was asked to testify, and many of the events she had described in her book and testimonial were confirmed by Colombia’s Commission of Truth.[40][41] These events led to further investigation into the siege that resulted with the conviction of a high-ranking former colonel and a former general, later sentenced to 30 and 35 years in prison, respectively, for the forced disappearance of the detained after the siege.[42][43] Vallejo would subsequently testify in Galán’s assassination.[44] In her book, Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), she had accused several politicians, including Colombian presidents Alfonso López Michelsen, Ernesto Samper and Álvaro Uribe of having links to drug cartels.[45] Due to threats, and her cooperation in these cases, on 3 June 2010 the United States granted political asylum to the Colombian journalist.[citation needed]

Relatives

Escobar’s widow (María Henao, now María Isabel Santos Caballero), son (Juan Pablo, now Sebastián Marroquín Santos) and daughter (Manuela) fled Colombia in 1995 after failing to find a country that would grant them asylum.[46] Despite Escobar’s numerous and continual infidelities, Maria remained supportive of her husband. Members of the Cali Cartel even replayed their recordings of her conversations with Pablo for their wives to demonstrate how a woman should behave.[47] This attitude proved to be the reason the cartel did not kill her and her children after Pablo’s death, although the group demanded (and received) millions of dollars in reparations for Escobar’s war against them. Henao even successfully negotiated for her son’s life by personally guaranteeing he would not seek revenge against the cartel or participate in the drug trade.[48][non-primary source needed]

After escaping first to Mozambique, then to Brazil, the family settled in Argentina.[49] Living under her assumed name, Henao became a successful real estate entrepreneur until one of her business associates discovered her true identity, and Henao absconded with her earnings. Local media were alerted, and after being exposed as Escobar’s widow, Henao was imprisoned for eighteen months while her finances were investigated. Ultimately, authorities were unable to link her funds to illegal activity, and she was released.[50] According to her son, Henao fell in love with Escobar «because of his naughty smile [and] the way he looked at [her]. [He] was affectionate and sweet. A great lover. I fell in love with his desire to help people and his compassion for their hardship. We [would] drive to places where he dreamed of building schools for the poor. From [the] beginning, he was always a gentleman.»[51] María Victoria Henao de Escobar, with her new identity as María Isabel Santos Caballero, continues to live in Buenos Aires with her son and daughter.[52] On 5 June 2018, the Argentine federal judge Nestor Barral accused her and her son, Sebastián Marroquín Santos, of money laundering with two Colombian drug traffickers.[53][54][55] The judge ordered the seizing of assets for about $1m each.[56]

Argentinian filmmaker Nicolas Entel’s documentary Sins of My Father (2009) chronicles Marroquín’s efforts to seek forgiveness, on behalf of his father, from the sons of Rodrigo Lara, Colombia’s justice minister who was assassinated in 1984, as well as from the sons of Luis Carlos Galán, the presidential candidate who was assassinated in 1989. The film was shown at the 2010 Sundance Film Festival and premiered in the US on HBO in October 2010.[57] In 2014, Marroquín published Pablo Escobar, My Father under his birth name. The book provides a firsthand insight into details of his father’s life and describes the fundamentally disintegrating effect of his death upon the family. Marroquín aimed to publish the book in hopes to resolve any inaccuracies regarding his father’s excursions during the 1990s.[58]

Escobar’s sister, Luz Maria Escobar, also made multiple gestures in attempts to make amends for the drug baron’s crimes. These include making public statements in the press, leaving letters on the graves of his victims and on the 20th anniversary of his death organizing a public memorial for his victims.[59] Escobar’s body was exhumed on 28 October 2006 at the request of some of his relatives in order to take a DNA sample to confirm the alleged paternity of an illegitimate child and remove all doubt about the identity of the body that had been buried next to his parents for 12 years.[60] A video of the exhumation was broadcast by RCN, angering Marroquín, who accused his uncle, Roberto Escobar, and cousin, Nicolas Escobar, of being «merchants of death» by allowing the video to air.[61]

Hacienda Nápoles

After Escobar’s death, the ranch, zoo and citadel at Hacienda Nápoles were given by the government to low-income families under a law called Extinción de Dominio (Domain Extinction). The property has been converted into a theme park surrounded by four luxury hotels overlooking the zoo.[30]

Escobar Inc

In 2014, Roberto Escobar founded Escobar Inc with Olof K. Gustafsson and registered Successor-In-Interest rights for his brother Pablo Escobar in California, United States.[62] Olof K Gustafsson is a Swedish youtuber with 310 000 subscribers as of 29 June 2022.[63]

Hippos

Escobar kept four hippos in a private menagerie at Hacienda Nápoles. They were deemed too difficult to seize and move after Escobar’s death, and hence left on the untended estate. By 2007, the animals had multiplied to 16 and had taken to roaming the area for food in the nearby Magdalena River.[64][65] In 2009, two adults and one calf escaped the herd and, after attacking humans and killing cattle, one of the adults (called «Pepe») was killed by hunters under authorization of the local authorities.[65] As of early 2014, 40 hippos have been reported to exist in Puerto Triunfo, Antioquia Department, from the original four belonging to Escobar.[66] Without management the population size is likely to more than double in the next decade.[67]

The National Geographic Channel produced a documentary about them titled Cocaine Hippos.[68] A report published in a Yale student magazine noted that local environmentalists are campaigning to protect the animals, although there is no clear plan for what will happen to them.[69] In 2018, National Geographic published another article on the hippos which found disagreement among environmentalists on whether they were having a positive or negative impact, but that conservationists and locals – particularly those in the tourism industry – were mostly in support of their continued presence.[70]

By October, 2021, the Colombian government had started a program to sterilize the hippos using a chemical to make them infertile.[71]

Apartment demolition

On 22 February 2019, at 11:53 AM local time, Medellín authorities demolished the six-story Edificio Mónaco apartment complex in the El Poblado neighborhood where, according to retired Colombian general Rosso José Serrano, Escobar planned some of his most brazen attacks. The building was initially built for Escobar’s wife but was gutted by a Cali Cartel car bomb in 1988 and had remained unoccupied ever since, becoming an attraction to foreign tourists seeking out Escobar’s physical legacy. Mayor Federico Gutierrez had been pushing to raze the building and erect in its place a park honoring the thousands of cartel victims, including four presidential candidates and some 500 police officers. Colombian President Ivan Duque said the demolition «means that history is not going to be written in terms of the perpetrators, but by recognizing the victims,» hoping the demolition would showcase that the city had evolved significantly and had more to offer than the legacy left by the cartels.[72]

In popular culture

Books

Escobar has been the subject of several books, including the following:

  • Escobar (2010), by Roberto Escobar, written by his brother shows how he became infamous and ultimately died.[73]
  • Escobar Gaviria, Roberto (2016). My Brother – Pablo Escobar. Escobar, Inc. ISBN 978-0692706374.
  • Kings of Cocaine (1989), by Guy Gugliotta, retells the history and operations of the Medellín Cartel, and Escobar’s role within it.[74]
  • Killing Pablo: The Hunt for the World’s Greatest Outlaw (2001), by Mark Bowden,[75][76] relates how Escobar was killed and his cartel dismantled by US special forces and intelligence, the Colombian military, and Los Pepes.[77]
  • Pablo Escobar: My Father (2016), by Juan Pablo Escobar, translated by Andrea Rosenberg.[78]
  • Pablo Escobar: Beyond Narcos (2016), by Shaun Attwood, tells the story of Pablo and the Medellin Cartel in the context of the failed War on Drugs; ISBN 978-1537296302
  • American Made: Who Killed Barry Seal? Pablo Escobar or George HW Bush (2016), by Shaun Attwood, tells Pablo’s story as a suspect in the murder of CIA pilot Barry Seal; ISBN 978-1537637198
  • Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar (2017) by Virginia Vallejo, originally published by Penguin Random House in Spanish in 2007, and later translated to 16 languages.
  • News of a Kidnapping, (original Spanish title: Noticia de un secuestro) non-fiction 1996 book by Gabriel García Márquez, and published in English in 1997.

Films

Two major feature films on Escobar, Escobar (2009) and Killing Pablo (2011), were announced in 2007.[79] Details about them, and additional films about Escobar, are listed below.

  • Blow, a 2001 American biographical film based on George Jung, a member of the Medellín Cartel; Escobar was portrayed by Cliff Curtis.
  • Pablo Escobar: The King of Coke (2007) is a TV movie documentary by National Geographic, featuring archival footage and commentary by stakeholders.[80][81]
  • Escobar (2009) was delayed because of producer Oliver Stone’s involvement with the George W. Bush biopic W. (2008). As of 2008, the release date of Escobar remained unconfirmed.[when?][82] Regarding the film, Stone said: «This is a great project about a fascinating man who took on the system. I think I have to thank Scarface, and maybe even Ari Gold.»[83]
  • Killing Pablo (2011) was supposedly in development for several years, directed by Joe Carnahan. It was to be based on Mark Bowden’s 2001 book of the same title, which in turn was based on his 31-part Philadelphia Inquirer series of articles on the subject.[76][77] The cast was reported to include Christian Bale as Major Steve Jacoby and Venezuelan actor Édgar Ramírez as Escobar.[84][85] In December 2008, Bob Yari, producer of Killing Pablo, filed for bankruptcy.[86]
  • Escobar: Paradise Lost (2014) a romantic thriller in which a naive Canadian surfer falls in love with a girl who turns out to be Escobar’s niece.
  • Loving Pablo (2017), Spanish film based on Virginia Vallejo’s book Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar with Javier Bardem as Escobar, and Penélope Cruz as Virginia Vallejo.[87]
  • American Made (2017), American biographical film based on Barry Seal; Escobar was portrayed by Mauricio Mejía.[88]
  • Weird: The Al Yankovic Story (2022), American biopic parody loosely based on the life of «Weird Al» Yankovic; Arturo Castro portrays Escobar who is depicted as a Weird Al fan who kidnaps Weird Al’s girlfriend, Madonna, to lure him to play at is fortieth birthday party. Weird Al instead murders him.

Television

  • In 2005, Court TV (now TruTV) crime documentary series Mugshots released an episode on Escobar titled «Pablo Escobar – Hunting The Druglord».[89]
  • In the 2007 HBO television series, Entourage, actor Vincent Chase (played by Adrian Grenier) is cast as Escobar in a fictional film entitled Medellín.[90]
  • One of ESPN’s 30 for 30 series films, The Two Escobars (2010), by directors Jeff and Michael Zimbalist, looks back at Colombia’s World Cup run in 1994 and the relationship between sports and the country’s criminal gangs — notably the Medellín narcotics cartel run by Escobar. The other Escobar in the film title refers to former Colombian defender Andrés Escobar (no relation to Pablo), who was shot and killed one month after conceding an own goal that contributed to the elimination of the Colombian national team from the 1994 FIFA World Cup.[91]
  • Caracol TV produced a television series, El cartel (The Cartel), which began airing on 4 June 2008 where Escobar is portrayed by an unknown model when he is shot down by Cartel del Sur’s hitmen.
  • Also Caracol TV produced a TV Series, Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal (Pablo Escobar, The Boss Of Evil), which began airing on 28 May 2012, and stars Andrés Parra as Pablo Escobar. It is based on Alonso Salazar’s book La parábola de Pablo.[92] Parra reprises his role in TV Series Football Dreams, a world of passion and El Señor de los Cielos (season 1). Parra has declared not to play the character again so as not to pigeonhole himself.
  • RTI Producciones produced a TV Series for RCN Televisión, Tres Caínes, was released on 4 March 2013, which Escobar is portrayed by the colombian actor Juan Pablo Franco (who portrayed general Muriel Peraza in Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal) in the first phase of the series. Franco reprises his role in Surviving Escobar: Alias JJ.
  • The same year 2013, Fox Telecolombia produced for RCN Televisión a TV Series, Alias El Mexicano, released on 5 November 2013, which Escobar is portrayed by an unknown actor in a minor role.
  • A Netflix original television series depicting the story of Escobar, titled Narcos, was released on 28 August 2015, starring Brazilian actor Wagner Moura as Pablo.[93] Season two premiered on the streaming service on 2 September 2016.[94]
  • In 2016 RCN Televisión produced the TV Series En la boca del lobo, was released on 16 August 2016, which Escobar is portrayed by Fabio Restrepo (who portrayed Javier Ortiz in Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal) as the character of Flavio Escolar.
  • National Geographic in 2016 broadcast a biography series Facing that included an episode featuring Escobar.[95]
  • On 24 January 2018 Netflix released the 68-minute-long documentary Countdown to Death: Pablo Escobar directed by Santiago Diaz and Pablo Martin Farina.[96][97]
  • Killing Escobar was a documentary televised in the UK in 2021. It concerned a failed attempt by mercenaries, contracted by the Cali Cartel and led by Peter McAleese, to assassinate Escobar in 1989.
  • Fox Telecolombia produced in 2019 a TV Series, El General Naranjo, which aired on 24 May 2019, which Escobar is portrayed by the Colombian actor Federico Rivera.

Music

  • The 2013 song «Pablo» by American rapper E-40 serves as an ode to the legacy of Pablo Escobar.[98]
  • The 2016 album The Life of Pablo by American rapper Kanye West was named after the three Pablo’s that inspired and represented some part of the album, with one of them being Pablo Escobar.[99]
  • Dubdogz’s «Pablo Escobar» (feat. Charlott Boss), released in 2020, has garnered more than 5.6 million views for its official music video.[100]

References

  1. ^ «10 facts reveal the absurdity of Pablo Escobar’s wealth». Business Insider. Retrieved 28 July 2018.
  2. ^ «Here’s How Rich Pablo Escobar Would Be If He Was Alive Today». UNILAD. 13 September 2016. Archived from the original on 29 July 2018. Retrieved 28 July 2018.
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External links

  • «The Abandoned House of Pablo Escobar». noaccess.eu. Archived from the original on 2 September 2015. Retrieved 18 August 2015.
  • Pablo Escobar at IMDb  

In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Escobar and the second or maternal family name is Gaviria.

Pablo Escobar

Pablo Escobar Mug.jpg

Escobar in a 1976 mugshot

Member of the Chamber of Representatives for Medellin
In office
20 July 1982 – 26 October 1983
Personal details
Born

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria

1 December 1949
Rionegro, Antioquia, Colombia

Died 2 December 1993 (aged 44)
Medellín, Antioquia, Colombia
Cause of death Gunshot wound to the head
Resting place Monte Sacro Cemetery
Political party Liberal Alternative
Spouse

Maria Victoria Henao

(m. 1976)​

Children 2, including Sebastián Marroquín
Signature
Other names
  • Don Pablo (Sir Pablo)
  • El Padrino (The Godfather)
  • El Patrón (The Boss)
  • Matar Pablo (Killing Pablo)
  • The King of Cocaine
  • The King of Crack
  • Paisa Robin Hood
Conviction(s) Illegal drug trade, assassinations, bombing, bribery, racketeering, murder
Criminal penalty Five years’ imprisonment

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (; Spanish: [ˈpaβlo es.koˈβ̞aɾ]; 1 December 1949 – 2 December 1993) was a Colombian drug lord and narcoterrorist who was the founder and sole leader of the Medellín Cartel. Dubbed «the king of cocaine», Escobar is the wealthiest criminal in history, having amassed an estimated net worth of US$30 billion by the time of his death—equivalent to $70 billion as of 2022—while his drug cartel monopolized the cocaine trade into the United States in the 1980s and early 1990s.[1][2]

Born in Rionegro and raised in Medellín, Escobar studied briefly at Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana of Medellín, but left without graduating; he instead began engaging in criminal activity, selling illegal cigarettes and fake lottery tickets, as well as participating in motor vehicle theft. In the early 1970s, he began to work for various drug smugglers, often kidnapping and holding people for ransom.

In 1976, Escobar founded the Medellín Cartel, which distributed powder cocaine, and established the first smuggling routes from Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, through Colombia and eventually into the United States. Escobar’s infiltration into the U.S. created exponential demand for cocaine and by the 1980s it was estimated Escobar led monthly shipments of 70 to 80 tons of cocaine into the country from Colombia. As a result, he quickly became one of the richest people in the world,[3][4] but constantly battled rival cartels domestically and abroad, leading to massacres and the murders of police officers, judges, locals, and prominent politicians,[5] making Colombia the murder capital of the world.[6]

In the 1982 Colombian parliamentary election, Escobar was elected as an alternate member of the Chamber of Representatives as part of the Liberal Alternative movement. Through this, he was responsible for community projects such as the construction of houses and football fields, which gained him popularity among the locals of the towns that he frequented. However, Escobar’s political ambitions were thwarted by the Colombian and U.S. governments, who routinely pushed for his arrest, with Escobar widely believed to have orchestrated the DAS Building and Avianca Flight 203 bombings in retaliation.

In 1991, Escobar surrendered to authorities, and was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment on a host of charges, but struck a deal of no extradition with Colombian President Cesar Gaviria, with the ability of being housed in his own, self-built prison, La Catedral. In 1992, Escobar escaped and went into hiding when authorities attempted to move him to a more standard holding facility, leading to a nationwide manhunt.[7] As a result, the Medellín Cartel crumbled, and in 1993, Escobar was killed in his hometown by Colombian National Police, a day after his 44th birthday.[8]

Escobar’s legacy remains controversial; while many denounce the heinous nature of his crimes, he was seen as a «Robin Hood-like» figure for many in Colombia, as he provided many amenities to the poor. His killing was mourned and his funeral attended by over 25,000 people.[9] Additionally, his private estate, Hacienda Nápoles, has been transformed into a theme park.[10] His life has also served as inspiration for or has been dramatized widely in film, television, and in music.

Early life

The city of Medellín, where Escobar grew up and began his criminal career.

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria was born on 1 December 1949 in Rionegro, Antioquia Department. He was the third child of seven children and grew up in the neighboring city of Medellin. His father was a small farmer and his mother was a teacher. Escobar left high school in 1966 just before his 17th birthday, before returning two years later with his cousin Gustavo Gaviria. At this time, the hard life on the streets of Medellin had polished them into gangster bullies in the eyes of teachers. The two dropped out of school after more than a year, but Escobar, who did not give up, briefly became autonomous in Latin America by forging high school diplomas. He then studied in college with the goal of becoming a criminal lawyer, a politician, and eventually the president, but had to give up because of lack of money.[11][12][13]

Criminal career

Cocaine distribution

International drug routes.

Escobar began his criminal career in 1966. Escobar is rumored to have started his criminal career with his gang by stealing tombstones, sandblasting their inscriptions, and reselling them, though his most likely first crime was street fraud. After dropping out of school, Escobar began to join car theft gangs, and at the age of 20 was already a household name for car thieves. He and his gang stole cars and dismantled them to sell their parts, and with enough money on hand, Escobar bribed officials to launder his loot. While arrest records have been lost, Escobar apparently sat in a Medellin prison for several months before his 20th birthday. Escobar soon became involved in violent crime, employing criminals to kidnap people who owed him money and demand ransoms, sometimes tearing up tickets even when Escobar received the ransom. His most famous kidnapping victim was businessman Diego Echavarria, who was kidnapped and eventually killed in the summer of 1971, Escobar received a $50,000 ransom from the Echavarria family; his gang became well-known for this kidnapping.[14]

Medellin Group

Escobar had been involved in organized crime for a decade when the cocaine trade began to spread in Colombia in the mid-1970s. One of Colombia’s first drug dealers was Fabio Restrepo, who shipped about 40 to 60 kilograms of cocaine to Miami once or twice a year. Under Escobar’s mastermind, Restrepo was assassinated in 1975, and Escobar seized his market and business. Escobar’s meteoric rise also caught the attention of the Colombian Security Service (DAS), who arrested him in May 1976 on his return from drug trafficking in Ecuador. DAS agents found 39 kg of cocaine in the spare tire of Escobar’s car. Escobar managed to change the first judge in the lawsuit and bribed the second judge, so he was released along with other prisoners. The following year, the agent who arrested Escobar was assassinated. Escobar continued to collude with law enforcement in the same fashion. His strategy came to be known as «silver or lead,» or «money or bullets.»[12][15] Although the Medellin Group was only established in the early 1970s, it expanded after Escobar met several drug lords on a farm in April 1978, and by the end of 1978 they had transported some 19,000 kilograms of cocaine to the United States.[16]

Rise to prominence

Powder cocaine was manufactured, packaged, and sold by Pablo Escobar and his associates, and eventually distributed to the U.S. drug market.

Soon, the demand for cocaine greatly increased in the United States, which led to Escobar organizing more smuggling shipments, routes, and distribution networks in South Florida, California, Puerto Rico, and other parts of the country. He and cartel co-founder Carlos Lehder worked together to develop a new trans-shipment point in the Bahamas, an island called Norman’s Cay about 350 km (220 mi) southeast of the Florida coast. According to his brother, Escobar did not purchase Norman’s Cay; it was instead a sole venture of Lehder’s. Escobar and Robert Vesco purchased most of the land on the island, which included a 1-kilometre (3,300 ft) airstrip, a harbor, a hotel, houses, boats, and aircraft, and they built a refrigerated warehouse to store the cocaine. From 1978 to 1982, this was used as a central smuggling route for the Medellín Cartel. With the enormous profits generated by this route, Escobar was soon able to purchase 20 square kilometres (7.7 sq mi) of land in Antioquia for several million dollars, on which he built the Hacienda Nápoles. The luxury house he created contained a zoo, a lake, a sculpture garden, a private bullring, and other amenities for his family and the cartel.[17]

Escobar at the height of his power

Escobar was also involved in philanthropy in Colombia and paid handsomely for the staff of his cocaine lab. Escobar spent millions developing some of Medellín’s poorest neighborhoods. He helped build roads, power lines and soccer fields. He also built housing complexes for the homeless. Escobar also entered politics in the 1970s and participated in and supported the formation of the Liberal Party of Colombia. In 1982, he successfully entered the Colombian Congress. Although only an alternate, he was automatically granted parliamentary immunity and the right to a diplomatic passport under Colombian law. At the same time, Escobar was gradually becoming a public figure, and because of his charitable work, he was known as «Robin Hood Paisa.» He alleged once in an interview that his fortune came from a bicycle rental company he founded when he was 16 years old.[18]

In Congress, the new Minister of Justice, Rodrigo Lara-Bonilla, had become Escobar’s opponent, accusing Escobar of criminal activity from the very first day of Congress. Escobar’s arrest in 1976 was investigated by Lara-Bonilla’s subordinates. A few months later, Liberal leader Luis Carlos Galán expelled Escobar from the party. Although Escobar fought back, he announced his retirement from politics in January 1984. Three months later, Lara-Bonilla was murdered.[19]

The Colombian judiciary had been a target of Escobar throughout the mid-1980s. While bribing and murdering several judges, in the fall of 1985, the wanted Escobar requested the Colombian government to allow his conditional surrender without extradition to the United States. The proposal was initially answered in the negative, and Escobar subsequently founded and implicitly supported the Los Extraditable Organization, which aims to fight extradition policy. The Los Extraditable Organization was subsequently accused of participating in an effort to prevent the Colombian Supreme Court from studying the constitutionality of Colombia’s extradition treaty with the United States. In support of the 6 November 1985, far-left guerrilla movement that attacked the Colombian Judiciary Building and killed half of the justices of the Supreme Court. In late 1986, Colombia’s Supreme Court declared the previous extradition treaty illegal due to being signed by a presidential delegation, not the president. Escobar’s victory over the judiciary was short-lived, with new president Bill Jillo Barr Co Vargas having quickly renewed his agreement with the United States.[20][21]

Escobar still held a grudge against Luis Carlos Galán, who kicked him out of politics, and was assassinated on 18 August 1989, at Escobar’s orders. Escobar then planted a bomb on Avianca Flight 203 in an attempt to assassinate Galán’s successor, Cesar Gaviria Trujillo, who missed the plane and survived, but was on board. All 107 people were killed in the blast. Because two Americans were also killed in the bombing, the U.S. government began to intervene directly.[22][23]

La Catedral prison

After the assassination of Luis Carlos Galán, the administration of César Gaviria moved against Escobar and the drug cartels. Eventually, the government negotiated with Escobar and convinced him to surrender and cease all criminal activity in exchange for a reduced sentence and preferential treatment during his captivity. Declaring an end to a series of previous violent acts meant to pressure authorities and public opinion, Escobar surrendered to Colombian authorities in 1991. Before he gave himself up, the extradition of Colombian citizens to the United States had been prohibited by the newly approved Colombian Constitution of 1991. This act was controversial, as it was suspected that Escobar and other drug lords had influenced members of the Constituent Assembly in passing the law. Escobar was confined in what became his own luxurious private prison, La Catedral, which featured a football pitch, a giant dollhouse, a bar, a Jacuzzi, and a waterfall. Accounts of Escobar’s continued criminal activities while in prison began to surface in the media, which prompted the government to attempt to move him to a more conventional jail on 22 July 1992. Escobar’s influence allowed him to discover the plan in advance and make a successful escape, spending the remainder of his life evading the police.[24][25]

Personal life

Family and relationships

In March 1976, the 26-year-old Escobar married María Victoria Henao, who was 15. The relationship was discouraged by the Henao family, who considered Escobar socially inferior; the pair eloped.[26] They had two children: Juan Pablo (now Sebastián Marroquín) and Manuela.

In 2007, the journalist Virginia Vallejo published her memoir Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), in which she describes her romantic relationship with Escobar and the links of her lover with several presidents, Caribbean dictators, and high-profile politicians.[27] Her book inspired the movie Loving Pablo (2017).[28]

A drug distributor, Griselda Blanco, is also reported to have conducted a clandestine, but passionate, relationship with Escobar; several items in her diary link him with the nicknames «Coque de Mi Rey» (My Coke King) and «Polla Blanca» (White Cock).[29]

Properties

After becoming wealthy, Escobar created or bought numerous residences and safe houses, with the Hacienda Nápoles gaining significant notoriety. The luxury house contained a colonial house, a sculpture park, and a complete zoo with animals from various continents, including elephants, exotic birds, giraffes, and hippopotamuses. Escobar had also planned to construct a Greek-style citadel near it, and though construction of the citadel was started, it was never finished.[30]

Escobar also owned a home in the US under his own name: a 6,500 square foot (604 m2), pink, waterfront mansion situated at 5860 North Bay Road in Miami Beach, Florida. The four-bedroom estate, built in 1948 on Biscayne Bay, was seized by the US federal government in the 1980s. Later, the dilapidated property was owned by Christian de Berdouare, proprietor of the Chicken Kitchen fast-food chain, who had bought it in 2014. De Berdouare would later hire a documentary film crew and professional treasure hunters to search the edifice before and after demolition, for anything related to Escobar or his cartel. They would find unusual holes in floors and walls, as well as a safe that was stolen from its hole in the marble flooring before it could be properly examined.[31]

Escobar also owned a huge Caribbean getaway on Isla Grande, the largest of the cluster of the 27 coral cluster islands comprising Islas del Rosario, located about 35 km (22 mi) from Cartagena. The compound, now half-demolished and overtaken by vegetation and wild animals, featured a mansion, apartments, courtyards, a large swimming pool, a helicopter landing pad, reinforced windows, tiled floors, and a large but unfinished building to the side of the mansion.[32]

Death

Members of Search Bloc celebrate over Escobar’s body on 2 December 1993. His death ended a 16-month search effort, costing hundreds of millions of dollars.

The tomb of Pablo Escobar and family in the Monte Sacro Cemetery, Itagüí

Escobar faced threats from the Colombian police, the U.S. government and his rival, the Cali Cartel. On 2 December 1993, Escobar was found in a house in a middle-class residential area of Medellin by Colombian special forces using technology provided by the United States. Police tried to arrest Escobar, but the situation quickly escalated to an exchange of gun fire. Escobar was shot and killed while trying to escape from the roof. He was hit by bullets in the torso and feet, and a bullet which struck him in the ear killing him. This sparked debate about whether he killed himself or whether he was shot dead.[12]

Aftermath of his death

Soon after Escobar’s death and the subsequent fragmentation of the Medellín Cartel, the cocaine market became dominated by the rival Cali Cartel until the mid-1990s when its leaders were either killed or captured by the Colombian government. The Robin Hood image that Escobar had cultivated maintained a lasting influence in Medellín. Many there, especially many of the city’s poor whom Escobar had aided while he was alive, mourned his death, and over 25,000 people attended his funeral. Some of them consider him a saint and pray to him for receiving divine help. Escobar was buried at the Monte Sacro Cemetery.[33]

Virginia Vallejo’s testimony

On 4 July 2006, Virginia Vallejo, a television anchorwoman romantically involved with Escobar from 1983 to 1987, offered Attorney General Mario Iguarán her testimony in the trial against former Senator Alberto Santofimio, who was accused of conspiracy in the 1989 assassination of presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán. Iguarán acknowledged that, although Vallejo had contacted his office on 4 July, the judge had decided to close the trial on 9 July, several weeks before the prospective closing date. The action was seen as too late.[34][35]

On 18 July 2006, Vallejo was taken to the United States on a special flight of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), for «safety and security reasons» due to her cooperation in high-profile criminal cases.[36][37] On 24 July, a video in which Vallejo had accused Santofimio of instigating Escobar to eliminate presidential candidate Galán was aired by RCN Television of Colombia. The video was seen by 14 million people, and was instrumental for the reopened case of Galán’s assassination. On 31 August 2011 Santofimio was sentenced to 24 years in prison for his role in the crime.[38][39]

Role in the Palace of Justice siege

Among Escobar’s biographers, only Vallejo has given a detailed explanation of his role in the 1985 Palace of Justice siege. The journalist stated that Escobar had financed the operation, which was committed by M-19; but she blamed the army for the killings of more than 100 people, including 11 Supreme Court magistrates, M-19 members, and employees of the cafeteria. Her statements prompted the reopening of the case in 2008; Vallejo was asked to testify, and many of the events she had described in her book and testimonial were confirmed by Colombia’s Commission of Truth.[40][41] These events led to further investigation into the siege that resulted with the conviction of a high-ranking former colonel and a former general, later sentenced to 30 and 35 years in prison, respectively, for the forced disappearance of the detained after the siege.[42][43] Vallejo would subsequently testify in Galán’s assassination.[44] In her book, Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), she had accused several politicians, including Colombian presidents Alfonso López Michelsen, Ernesto Samper and Álvaro Uribe of having links to drug cartels.[45] Due to threats, and her cooperation in these cases, on 3 June 2010 the United States granted political asylum to the Colombian journalist.[citation needed]

Relatives

Escobar’s widow (María Henao, now María Isabel Santos Caballero), son (Juan Pablo, now Sebastián Marroquín Santos) and daughter (Manuela) fled Colombia in 1995 after failing to find a country that would grant them asylum.[46] Despite Escobar’s numerous and continual infidelities, Maria remained supportive of her husband. Members of the Cali Cartel even replayed their recordings of her conversations with Pablo for their wives to demonstrate how a woman should behave.[47] This attitude proved to be the reason the cartel did not kill her and her children after Pablo’s death, although the group demanded (and received) millions of dollars in reparations for Escobar’s war against them. Henao even successfully negotiated for her son’s life by personally guaranteeing he would not seek revenge against the cartel or participate in the drug trade.[48][non-primary source needed]

After escaping first to Mozambique, then to Brazil, the family settled in Argentina.[49] Living under her assumed name, Henao became a successful real estate entrepreneur until one of her business associates discovered her true identity, and Henao absconded with her earnings. Local media were alerted, and after being exposed as Escobar’s widow, Henao was imprisoned for eighteen months while her finances were investigated. Ultimately, authorities were unable to link her funds to illegal activity, and she was released.[50] According to her son, Henao fell in love with Escobar «because of his naughty smile [and] the way he looked at [her]. [He] was affectionate and sweet. A great lover. I fell in love with his desire to help people and his compassion for their hardship. We [would] drive to places where he dreamed of building schools for the poor. From [the] beginning, he was always a gentleman.»[51] María Victoria Henao de Escobar, with her new identity as María Isabel Santos Caballero, continues to live in Buenos Aires with her son and daughter.[52] On 5 June 2018, the Argentine federal judge Nestor Barral accused her and her son, Sebastián Marroquín Santos, of money laundering with two Colombian drug traffickers.[53][54][55] The judge ordered the seizing of assets for about $1m each.[56]

Argentinian filmmaker Nicolas Entel’s documentary Sins of My Father (2009) chronicles Marroquín’s efforts to seek forgiveness, on behalf of his father, from the sons of Rodrigo Lara, Colombia’s justice minister who was assassinated in 1984, as well as from the sons of Luis Carlos Galán, the presidential candidate who was assassinated in 1989. The film was shown at the 2010 Sundance Film Festival and premiered in the US on HBO in October 2010.[57] In 2014, Marroquín published Pablo Escobar, My Father under his birth name. The book provides a firsthand insight into details of his father’s life and describes the fundamentally disintegrating effect of his death upon the family. Marroquín aimed to publish the book in hopes to resolve any inaccuracies regarding his father’s excursions during the 1990s.[58]

Escobar’s sister, Luz Maria Escobar, also made multiple gestures in attempts to make amends for the drug baron’s crimes. These include making public statements in the press, leaving letters on the graves of his victims and on the 20th anniversary of his death organizing a public memorial for his victims.[59] Escobar’s body was exhumed on 28 October 2006 at the request of some of his relatives in order to take a DNA sample to confirm the alleged paternity of an illegitimate child and remove all doubt about the identity of the body that had been buried next to his parents for 12 years.[60] A video of the exhumation was broadcast by RCN, angering Marroquín, who accused his uncle, Roberto Escobar, and cousin, Nicolas Escobar, of being «merchants of death» by allowing the video to air.[61]

Hacienda Nápoles

After Escobar’s death, the ranch, zoo and citadel at Hacienda Nápoles were given by the government to low-income families under a law called Extinción de Dominio (Domain Extinction). The property has been converted into a theme park surrounded by four luxury hotels overlooking the zoo.[30]

Escobar Inc

In 2014, Roberto Escobar founded Escobar Inc with Olof K. Gustafsson and registered Successor-In-Interest rights for his brother Pablo Escobar in California, United States.[62] Olof K Gustafsson is a Swedish youtuber with 310 000 subscribers as of 29 June 2022.[63]

Hippos

Escobar kept four hippos in a private menagerie at Hacienda Nápoles. They were deemed too difficult to seize and move after Escobar’s death, and hence left on the untended estate. By 2007, the animals had multiplied to 16 and had taken to roaming the area for food in the nearby Magdalena River.[64][65] In 2009, two adults and one calf escaped the herd and, after attacking humans and killing cattle, one of the adults (called «Pepe») was killed by hunters under authorization of the local authorities.[65] As of early 2014, 40 hippos have been reported to exist in Puerto Triunfo, Antioquia Department, from the original four belonging to Escobar.[66] Without management the population size is likely to more than double in the next decade.[67]

The National Geographic Channel produced a documentary about them titled Cocaine Hippos.[68] A report published in a Yale student magazine noted that local environmentalists are campaigning to protect the animals, although there is no clear plan for what will happen to them.[69] In 2018, National Geographic published another article on the hippos which found disagreement among environmentalists on whether they were having a positive or negative impact, but that conservationists and locals – particularly those in the tourism industry – were mostly in support of their continued presence.[70]

By October, 2021, the Colombian government had started a program to sterilize the hippos using a chemical to make them infertile.[71]

Apartment demolition

On 22 February 2019, at 11:53 AM local time, Medellín authorities demolished the six-story Edificio Mónaco apartment complex in the El Poblado neighborhood where, according to retired Colombian general Rosso José Serrano, Escobar planned some of his most brazen attacks. The building was initially built for Escobar’s wife but was gutted by a Cali Cartel car bomb in 1988 and had remained unoccupied ever since, becoming an attraction to foreign tourists seeking out Escobar’s physical legacy. Mayor Federico Gutierrez had been pushing to raze the building and erect in its place a park honoring the thousands of cartel victims, including four presidential candidates and some 500 police officers. Colombian President Ivan Duque said the demolition «means that history is not going to be written in terms of the perpetrators, but by recognizing the victims,» hoping the demolition would showcase that the city had evolved significantly and had more to offer than the legacy left by the cartels.[72]

In popular culture

Books

Escobar has been the subject of several books, including the following:

  • Escobar (2010), by Roberto Escobar, written by his brother shows how he became infamous and ultimately died.[73]
  • Escobar Gaviria, Roberto (2016). My Brother – Pablo Escobar. Escobar, Inc. ISBN 978-0692706374.
  • Kings of Cocaine (1989), by Guy Gugliotta, retells the history and operations of the Medellín Cartel, and Escobar’s role within it.[74]
  • Killing Pablo: The Hunt for the World’s Greatest Outlaw (2001), by Mark Bowden,[75][76] relates how Escobar was killed and his cartel dismantled by US special forces and intelligence, the Colombian military, and Los Pepes.[77]
  • Pablo Escobar: My Father (2016), by Juan Pablo Escobar, translated by Andrea Rosenberg.[78]
  • Pablo Escobar: Beyond Narcos (2016), by Shaun Attwood, tells the story of Pablo and the Medellin Cartel in the context of the failed War on Drugs; ISBN 978-1537296302
  • American Made: Who Killed Barry Seal? Pablo Escobar or George HW Bush (2016), by Shaun Attwood, tells Pablo’s story as a suspect in the murder of CIA pilot Barry Seal; ISBN 978-1537637198
  • Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar (2017) by Virginia Vallejo, originally published by Penguin Random House in Spanish in 2007, and later translated to 16 languages.
  • News of a Kidnapping, (original Spanish title: Noticia de un secuestro) non-fiction 1996 book by Gabriel García Márquez, and published in English in 1997.

Films

Two major feature films on Escobar, Escobar (2009) and Killing Pablo (2011), were announced in 2007.[79] Details about them, and additional films about Escobar, are listed below.

  • Blow, a 2001 American biographical film based on George Jung, a member of the Medellín Cartel; Escobar was portrayed by Cliff Curtis.
  • Pablo Escobar: The King of Coke (2007) is a TV movie documentary by National Geographic, featuring archival footage and commentary by stakeholders.[80][81]
  • Escobar (2009) was delayed because of producer Oliver Stone’s involvement with the George W. Bush biopic W. (2008). As of 2008, the release date of Escobar remained unconfirmed.[when?][82] Regarding the film, Stone said: «This is a great project about a fascinating man who took on the system. I think I have to thank Scarface, and maybe even Ari Gold.»[83]
  • Killing Pablo (2011) was supposedly in development for several years, directed by Joe Carnahan. It was to be based on Mark Bowden’s 2001 book of the same title, which in turn was based on his 31-part Philadelphia Inquirer series of articles on the subject.[76][77] The cast was reported to include Christian Bale as Major Steve Jacoby and Venezuelan actor Édgar Ramírez as Escobar.[84][85] In December 2008, Bob Yari, producer of Killing Pablo, filed for bankruptcy.[86]
  • Escobar: Paradise Lost (2014) a romantic thriller in which a naive Canadian surfer falls in love with a girl who turns out to be Escobar’s niece.
  • Loving Pablo (2017), Spanish film based on Virginia Vallejo’s book Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar with Javier Bardem as Escobar, and Penélope Cruz as Virginia Vallejo.[87]
  • American Made (2017), American biographical film based on Barry Seal; Escobar was portrayed by Mauricio Mejía.[88]
  • Weird: The Al Yankovic Story (2022), American biopic parody loosely based on the life of «Weird Al» Yankovic; Arturo Castro portrays Escobar who is depicted as a Weird Al fan who kidnaps Weird Al’s girlfriend, Madonna, to lure him to play at is fortieth birthday party. Weird Al instead murders him.

Television

  • In 2005, Court TV (now TruTV) crime documentary series Mugshots released an episode on Escobar titled «Pablo Escobar – Hunting The Druglord».[89]
  • In the 2007 HBO television series, Entourage, actor Vincent Chase (played by Adrian Grenier) is cast as Escobar in a fictional film entitled Medellín.[90]
  • One of ESPN’s 30 for 30 series films, The Two Escobars (2010), by directors Jeff and Michael Zimbalist, looks back at Colombia’s World Cup run in 1994 and the relationship between sports and the country’s criminal gangs — notably the Medellín narcotics cartel run by Escobar. The other Escobar in the film title refers to former Colombian defender Andrés Escobar (no relation to Pablo), who was shot and killed one month after conceding an own goal that contributed to the elimination of the Colombian national team from the 1994 FIFA World Cup.[91]
  • Caracol TV produced a television series, El cartel (The Cartel), which began airing on 4 June 2008 where Escobar is portrayed by an unknown model when he is shot down by Cartel del Sur’s hitmen.
  • Also Caracol TV produced a TV Series, Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal (Pablo Escobar, The Boss Of Evil), which began airing on 28 May 2012, and stars Andrés Parra as Pablo Escobar. It is based on Alonso Salazar’s book La parábola de Pablo.[92] Parra reprises his role in TV Series Football Dreams, a world of passion and El Señor de los Cielos (season 1). Parra has declared not to play the character again so as not to pigeonhole himself.
  • RTI Producciones produced a TV Series for RCN Televisión, Tres Caínes, was released on 4 March 2013, which Escobar is portrayed by the colombian actor Juan Pablo Franco (who portrayed general Muriel Peraza in Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal) in the first phase of the series. Franco reprises his role in Surviving Escobar: Alias JJ.
  • The same year 2013, Fox Telecolombia produced for RCN Televisión a TV Series, Alias El Mexicano, released on 5 November 2013, which Escobar is portrayed by an unknown actor in a minor role.
  • A Netflix original television series depicting the story of Escobar, titled Narcos, was released on 28 August 2015, starring Brazilian actor Wagner Moura as Pablo.[93] Season two premiered on the streaming service on 2 September 2016.[94]
  • In 2016 RCN Televisión produced the TV Series En la boca del lobo, was released on 16 August 2016, which Escobar is portrayed by Fabio Restrepo (who portrayed Javier Ortiz in Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal) as the character of Flavio Escolar.
  • National Geographic in 2016 broadcast a biography series Facing that included an episode featuring Escobar.[95]
  • On 24 January 2018 Netflix released the 68-minute-long documentary Countdown to Death: Pablo Escobar directed by Santiago Diaz and Pablo Martin Farina.[96][97]
  • Killing Escobar was a documentary televised in the UK in 2021. It concerned a failed attempt by mercenaries, contracted by the Cali Cartel and led by Peter McAleese, to assassinate Escobar in 1989.
  • Fox Telecolombia produced in 2019 a TV Series, El General Naranjo, which aired on 24 May 2019, which Escobar is portrayed by the Colombian actor Federico Rivera.

Music

  • The 2013 song «Pablo» by American rapper E-40 serves as an ode to the legacy of Pablo Escobar.[98]
  • The 2016 album The Life of Pablo by American rapper Kanye West was named after the three Pablo’s that inspired and represented some part of the album, with one of them being Pablo Escobar.[99]
  • Dubdogz’s «Pablo Escobar» (feat. Charlott Boss), released in 2020, has garnered more than 5.6 million views for its official music video.[100]

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External links

  • «The Abandoned House of Pablo Escobar». noaccess.eu. Archived from the original on 2 September 2015. Retrieved 18 August 2015.
  • Pablo Escobar at IMDb Edit this at Wikidata

In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Escobar and the second or maternal family name is Gaviria.

Pablo Escobar

Pablo Escobar Mug.jpg

Escobar in a 1976 mugshot

Member of the Chamber of Representatives for Medellin
In office
20 July 1982 – 26 October 1983
Personal details
Born

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria

1 December 1949
Rionegro, Antioquia, Colombia

Died 2 December 1993 (aged 44)
Medellín, Antioquia, Colombia
Cause of death Gunshot wound to the head
Resting place Monte Sacro Cemetery
Political party Liberal Alternative
Spouse

Maria Victoria Henao

(m. 1976)​

Children 2, including Sebastián Marroquín
Signature
Other names
  • Don Pablo (Sir Pablo)
  • El Padrino (The Godfather)
  • El Patrón (The Boss)
  • Matar Pablo (Killing Pablo)
  • The King of Cocaine
  • The King of Crack
  • Paisa Robin Hood
Conviction(s) Illegal drug trade, assassinations, bombing, bribery, racketeering, murder
Criminal penalty Five years’ imprisonment

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (; Spanish: [ˈpaβlo es.koˈβ̞aɾ]; 1 December 1949 – 2 December 1993) was a Colombian drug lord and narcoterrorist who was the founder and sole leader of the Medellín Cartel. Dubbed «the king of cocaine», Escobar is the wealthiest criminal in history, having amassed an estimated net worth of US$30 billion by the time of his death—equivalent to $70 billion as of 2022—while his drug cartel monopolized the cocaine trade into the United States in the 1980s and early 1990s.[1][2]

Born in Rionegro and raised in Medellín, Escobar studied briefly at Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana of Medellín, but left without graduating; he instead began engaging in criminal activity, selling illegal cigarettes and fake lottery tickets, as well as participating in motor vehicle theft. In the early 1970s, he began to work for various drug smugglers, often kidnapping and holding people for ransom.

In 1976, Escobar founded the Medellín Cartel, which distributed powder cocaine, and established the first smuggling routes from Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, through Colombia and eventually into the United States. Escobar’s infiltration into the U.S. created exponential demand for cocaine and by the 1980s it was estimated Escobar led monthly shipments of 70 to 80 tons of cocaine into the country from Colombia. As a result, he quickly became one of the richest people in the world,[3][4] but constantly battled rival cartels domestically and abroad, leading to massacres and the murders of police officers, judges, locals, and prominent politicians,[5] making Colombia the murder capital of the world.[6]

In the 1982 Colombian parliamentary election, Escobar was elected as an alternate member of the Chamber of Representatives as part of the Liberal Alternative movement. Through this, he was responsible for community projects such as the construction of houses and football fields, which gained him popularity among the locals of the towns that he frequented. However, Escobar’s political ambitions were thwarted by the Colombian and U.S. governments, who routinely pushed for his arrest, with Escobar widely believed to have orchestrated the DAS Building and Avianca Flight 203 bombings in retaliation.

In 1991, Escobar surrendered to authorities, and was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment on a host of charges, but struck a deal of no extradition with Colombian President Cesar Gaviria, with the ability of being housed in his own, self-built prison, La Catedral. In 1992, Escobar escaped and went into hiding when authorities attempted to move him to a more standard holding facility, leading to a nationwide manhunt.[7] As a result, the Medellín Cartel crumbled, and in 1993, Escobar was killed in his hometown by Colombian National Police, a day after his 44th birthday.[8]

Escobar’s legacy remains controversial; while many denounce the heinous nature of his crimes, he was seen as a «Robin Hood-like» figure for many in Colombia, as he provided many amenities to the poor. His killing was mourned and his funeral attended by over 25,000 people.[9] Additionally, his private estate, Hacienda Nápoles, has been transformed into a theme park.[10] His life has also served as inspiration for or has been dramatized widely in film, television, and in music.

Early life

The city of Medellín, where Escobar grew up and began his criminal career.

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria was born on 1 December 1949 in Rionegro, Antioquia Department. He was the third child of seven children and grew up in the neighboring city of Medellin. His father was a small farmer and his mother was a teacher. Escobar left high school in 1966 just before his 17th birthday, before returning two years later with his cousin Gustavo Gaviria. At this time, the hard life on the streets of Medellin had polished them into gangster bullies in the eyes of teachers. The two dropped out of school after more than a year, but Escobar, who did not give up, briefly became autonomous in Latin America by forging high school diplomas. He then studied in college with the goal of becoming a criminal lawyer, a politician, and eventually the president, but had to give up because of lack of money.[11][12][13]

Criminal career

Cocaine distribution

International drug routes.

Escobar began his criminal career in 1966. Escobar is rumored to have started his criminal career with his gang by stealing tombstones, sandblasting their inscriptions, and reselling them, though his most likely first crime was street fraud. After dropping out of school, Escobar began to join car theft gangs, and at the age of 20 was already a household name for car thieves. He and his gang stole cars and dismantled them to sell their parts, and with enough money on hand, Escobar bribed officials to launder his loot. While arrest records have been lost, Escobar apparently sat in a Medellin prison for several months before his 20th birthday. Escobar soon became involved in violent crime, employing criminals to kidnap people who owed him money and demand ransoms, sometimes tearing up tickets even when Escobar received the ransom. His most famous kidnapping victim was businessman Diego Echavarria, who was kidnapped and eventually killed in the summer of 1971, Escobar received a $50,000 ransom from the Echavarria family; his gang became well-known for this kidnapping.[14]

Medellin Group

Escobar had been involved in organized crime for a decade when the cocaine trade began to spread in Colombia in the mid-1970s. One of Colombia’s first drug dealers was Fabio Restrepo, who shipped about 40 to 60 kilograms of cocaine to Miami once or twice a year. Under Escobar’s mastermind, Restrepo was assassinated in 1975, and Escobar seized his market and business. Escobar’s meteoric rise also caught the attention of the Colombian Security Service (DAS), who arrested him in May 1976 on his return from drug trafficking in Ecuador. DAS agents found 39 kg of cocaine in the spare tire of Escobar’s car. Escobar managed to change the first judge in the lawsuit and bribed the second judge, so he was released along with other prisoners. The following year, the agent who arrested Escobar was assassinated. Escobar continued to collude with law enforcement in the same fashion. His strategy came to be known as «silver or lead,» or «money or bullets.»[12][15] Although the Medellin Group was only established in the early 1970s, it expanded after Escobar met several drug lords on a farm in April 1978, and by the end of 1978 they had transported some 19,000 kilograms of cocaine to the United States.[16]

Rise to prominence

Powder cocaine was manufactured, packaged, and sold by Pablo Escobar and his associates, and eventually distributed to the U.S. drug market.

Soon, the demand for cocaine greatly increased in the United States, which led to Escobar organizing more smuggling shipments, routes, and distribution networks in South Florida, California, Puerto Rico, and other parts of the country. He and cartel co-founder Carlos Lehder worked together to develop a new trans-shipment point in the Bahamas, an island called Norman’s Cay about 350 km (220 mi) southeast of the Florida coast. According to his brother, Escobar did not purchase Norman’s Cay; it was instead a sole venture of Lehder’s. Escobar and Robert Vesco purchased most of the land on the island, which included a 1-kilometre (3,300 ft) airstrip, a harbor, a hotel, houses, boats, and aircraft, and they built a refrigerated warehouse to store the cocaine. From 1978 to 1982, this was used as a central smuggling route for the Medellín Cartel. With the enormous profits generated by this route, Escobar was soon able to purchase 20 square kilometres (7.7 sq mi) of land in Antioquia for several million dollars, on which he built the Hacienda Nápoles. The luxury house he created contained a zoo, a lake, a sculpture garden, a private bullring, and other amenities for his family and the cartel.[17]

Escobar at the height of his power

Escobar was also involved in philanthropy in Colombia and paid handsomely for the staff of his cocaine lab. Escobar spent millions developing some of Medellín’s poorest neighborhoods. He helped build roads, power lines and soccer fields. He also built housing complexes for the homeless. Escobar also entered politics in the 1970s and participated in and supported the formation of the Liberal Party of Colombia. In 1982, he successfully entered the Colombian Congress. Although only an alternate, he was automatically granted parliamentary immunity and the right to a diplomatic passport under Colombian law. At the same time, Escobar was gradually becoming a public figure, and because of his charitable work, he was known as «Robin Hood Paisa.» He alleged once in an interview that his fortune came from a bicycle rental company he founded when he was 16 years old.[18]

In Congress, the new Minister of Justice, Rodrigo Lara-Bonilla, had become Escobar’s opponent, accusing Escobar of criminal activity from the very first day of Congress. Escobar’s arrest in 1976 was investigated by Lara-Bonilla’s subordinates. A few months later, Liberal leader Luis Carlos Galán expelled Escobar from the party. Although Escobar fought back, he announced his retirement from politics in January 1984. Three months later, Lara-Bonilla was murdered.[19]

The Colombian judiciary had been a target of Escobar throughout the mid-1980s. While bribing and murdering several judges, in the fall of 1985, the wanted Escobar requested the Colombian government to allow his conditional surrender without extradition to the United States. The proposal was initially answered in the negative, and Escobar subsequently founded and implicitly supported the Los Extraditable Organization, which aims to fight extradition policy. The Los Extraditable Organization was subsequently accused of participating in an effort to prevent the Colombian Supreme Court from studying the constitutionality of Colombia’s extradition treaty with the United States. In support of the 6 November 1985, far-left guerrilla movement that attacked the Colombian Judiciary Building and killed half of the justices of the Supreme Court. In late 1986, Colombia’s Supreme Court declared the previous extradition treaty illegal due to being signed by a presidential delegation, not the president. Escobar’s victory over the judiciary was short-lived, with new president Bill Jillo Barr Co Vargas having quickly renewed his agreement with the United States.[20][21]

Escobar still held a grudge against Luis Carlos Galán, who kicked him out of politics, and was assassinated on 18 August 1989, at Escobar’s orders. Escobar then planted a bomb on Avianca Flight 203 in an attempt to assassinate Galán’s successor, Cesar Gaviria Trujillo, who missed the plane and survived, but was on board. All 107 people were killed in the blast. Because two Americans were also killed in the bombing, the U.S. government began to intervene directly.[22][23]

La Catedral prison

After the assassination of Luis Carlos Galán, the administration of César Gaviria moved against Escobar and the drug cartels. Eventually, the government negotiated with Escobar and convinced him to surrender and cease all criminal activity in exchange for a reduced sentence and preferential treatment during his captivity. Declaring an end to a series of previous violent acts meant to pressure authorities and public opinion, Escobar surrendered to Colombian authorities in 1991. Before he gave himself up, the extradition of Colombian citizens to the United States had been prohibited by the newly approved Colombian Constitution of 1991. This act was controversial, as it was suspected that Escobar and other drug lords had influenced members of the Constituent Assembly in passing the law. Escobar was confined in what became his own luxurious private prison, La Catedral, which featured a football pitch, a giant dollhouse, a bar, a Jacuzzi, and a waterfall. Accounts of Escobar’s continued criminal activities while in prison began to surface in the media, which prompted the government to attempt to move him to a more conventional jail on 22 July 1992. Escobar’s influence allowed him to discover the plan in advance and make a successful escape, spending the remainder of his life evading the police.[24][25]

Personal life

Family and relationships

In March 1976, the 26-year-old Escobar married María Victoria Henao, who was 15. The relationship was discouraged by the Henao family, who considered Escobar socially inferior; the pair eloped.[26] They had two children: Juan Pablo (now Sebastián Marroquín) and Manuela.

In 2007, the journalist Virginia Vallejo published her memoir Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), in which she describes her romantic relationship with Escobar and the links of her lover with several presidents, Caribbean dictators, and high-profile politicians.[27] Her book inspired the movie Loving Pablo (2017).[28]

A drug distributor, Griselda Blanco, is also reported to have conducted a clandestine, but passionate, relationship with Escobar; several items in her diary link him with the nicknames «Coque de Mi Rey» (My Coke King) and «Polla Blanca» (White Cock).[29]

Properties

After becoming wealthy, Escobar created or bought numerous residences and safe houses, with the Hacienda Nápoles gaining significant notoriety. The luxury house contained a colonial house, a sculpture park, and a complete zoo with animals from various continents, including elephants, exotic birds, giraffes, and hippopotamuses. Escobar had also planned to construct a Greek-style citadel near it, and though construction of the citadel was started, it was never finished.[30]

Escobar also owned a home in the US under his own name: a 6,500 square foot (604 m2), pink, waterfront mansion situated at 5860 North Bay Road in Miami Beach, Florida. The four-bedroom estate, built in 1948 on Biscayne Bay, was seized by the US federal government in the 1980s. Later, the dilapidated property was owned by Christian de Berdouare, proprietor of the Chicken Kitchen fast-food chain, who had bought it in 2014. De Berdouare would later hire a documentary film crew and professional treasure hunters to search the edifice before and after demolition, for anything related to Escobar or his cartel. They would find unusual holes in floors and walls, as well as a safe that was stolen from its hole in the marble flooring before it could be properly examined.[31]

Escobar also owned a huge Caribbean getaway on Isla Grande, the largest of the cluster of the 27 coral cluster islands comprising Islas del Rosario, located about 35 km (22 mi) from Cartagena. The compound, now half-demolished and overtaken by vegetation and wild animals, featured a mansion, apartments, courtyards, a large swimming pool, a helicopter landing pad, reinforced windows, tiled floors, and a large but unfinished building to the side of the mansion.[32]

Death

Members of Search Bloc celebrate over Escobar’s body on 2 December 1993. His death ended a 16-month search effort, costing hundreds of millions of dollars.

The tomb of Pablo Escobar and family in the Monte Sacro Cemetery, Itagüí

Escobar faced threats from the Colombian police, the U.S. government and his rival, the Cali Cartel. On 2 December 1993, Escobar was found in a house in a middle-class residential area of Medellin by Colombian special forces using technology provided by the United States. Police tried to arrest Escobar, but the situation quickly escalated to an exchange of gun fire. Escobar was shot and killed while trying to escape from the roof. He was hit by bullets in the torso and feet, and a bullet which struck him in the ear killing him. This sparked debate about whether he killed himself or whether he was shot dead.[12]

Aftermath of his death

Soon after Escobar’s death and the subsequent fragmentation of the Medellín Cartel, the cocaine market became dominated by the rival Cali Cartel until the mid-1990s when its leaders were either killed or captured by the Colombian government. The Robin Hood image that Escobar had cultivated maintained a lasting influence in Medellín. Many there, especially many of the city’s poor whom Escobar had aided while he was alive, mourned his death, and over 25,000 people attended his funeral. Some of them consider him a saint and pray to him for receiving divine help. Escobar was buried at the Monte Sacro Cemetery.[33]

Virginia Vallejo’s testimony

On 4 July 2006, Virginia Vallejo, a television anchorwoman romantically involved with Escobar from 1983 to 1987, offered Attorney General Mario Iguarán her testimony in the trial against former Senator Alberto Santofimio, who was accused of conspiracy in the 1989 assassination of presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán. Iguarán acknowledged that, although Vallejo had contacted his office on 4 July, the judge had decided to close the trial on 9 July, several weeks before the prospective closing date. The action was seen as too late.[34][35]

On 18 July 2006, Vallejo was taken to the United States on a special flight of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), for «safety and security reasons» due to her cooperation in high-profile criminal cases.[36][37] On 24 July, a video in which Vallejo had accused Santofimio of instigating Escobar to eliminate presidential candidate Galán was aired by RCN Television of Colombia. The video was seen by 14 million people, and was instrumental for the reopened case of Galán’s assassination. On 31 August 2011 Santofimio was sentenced to 24 years in prison for his role in the crime.[38][39]

Role in the Palace of Justice siege

Among Escobar’s biographers, only Vallejo has given a detailed explanation of his role in the 1985 Palace of Justice siege. The journalist stated that Escobar had financed the operation, which was committed by M-19; but she blamed the army for the killings of more than 100 people, including 11 Supreme Court magistrates, M-19 members, and employees of the cafeteria. Her statements prompted the reopening of the case in 2008; Vallejo was asked to testify, and many of the events she had described in her book and testimonial were confirmed by Colombia’s Commission of Truth.[40][41] These events led to further investigation into the siege that resulted with the conviction of a high-ranking former colonel and a former general, later sentenced to 30 and 35 years in prison, respectively, for the forced disappearance of the detained after the siege.[42][43] Vallejo would subsequently testify in Galán’s assassination.[44] In her book, Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), she had accused several politicians, including Colombian presidents Alfonso López Michelsen, Ernesto Samper and Álvaro Uribe of having links to drug cartels.[45] Due to threats, and her cooperation in these cases, on 3 June 2010 the United States granted political asylum to the Colombian journalist.[citation needed]

Relatives

Escobar’s widow (María Henao, now María Isabel Santos Caballero), son (Juan Pablo, now Sebastián Marroquín Santos) and daughter (Manuela) fled Colombia in 1995 after failing to find a country that would grant them asylum.[46] Despite Escobar’s numerous and continual infidelities, Maria remained supportive of her husband. Members of the Cali Cartel even replayed their recordings of her conversations with Pablo for their wives to demonstrate how a woman should behave.[47] This attitude proved to be the reason the cartel did not kill her and her children after Pablo’s death, although the group demanded (and received) millions of dollars in reparations for Escobar’s war against them. Henao even successfully negotiated for her son’s life by personally guaranteeing he would not seek revenge against the cartel or participate in the drug trade.[48][non-primary source needed]

After escaping first to Mozambique, then to Brazil, the family settled in Argentina.[49] Living under her assumed name, Henao became a successful real estate entrepreneur until one of her business associates discovered her true identity, and Henao absconded with her earnings. Local media were alerted, and after being exposed as Escobar’s widow, Henao was imprisoned for eighteen months while her finances were investigated. Ultimately, authorities were unable to link her funds to illegal activity, and she was released.[50] According to her son, Henao fell in love with Escobar «because of his naughty smile [and] the way he looked at [her]. [He] was affectionate and sweet. A great lover. I fell in love with his desire to help people and his compassion for their hardship. We [would] drive to places where he dreamed of building schools for the poor. From [the] beginning, he was always a gentleman.»[51] María Victoria Henao de Escobar, with her new identity as María Isabel Santos Caballero, continues to live in Buenos Aires with her son and daughter.[52] On 5 June 2018, the Argentine federal judge Nestor Barral accused her and her son, Sebastián Marroquín Santos, of money laundering with two Colombian drug traffickers.[53][54][55] The judge ordered the seizing of assets for about $1m each.[56]

Argentinian filmmaker Nicolas Entel’s documentary Sins of My Father (2009) chronicles Marroquín’s efforts to seek forgiveness, on behalf of his father, from the sons of Rodrigo Lara, Colombia’s justice minister who was assassinated in 1984, as well as from the sons of Luis Carlos Galán, the presidential candidate who was assassinated in 1989. The film was shown at the 2010 Sundance Film Festival and premiered in the US on HBO in October 2010.[57] In 2014, Marroquín published Pablo Escobar, My Father under his birth name. The book provides a firsthand insight into details of his father’s life and describes the fundamentally disintegrating effect of his death upon the family. Marroquín aimed to publish the book in hopes to resolve any inaccuracies regarding his father’s excursions during the 1990s.[58]

Escobar’s sister, Luz Maria Escobar, also made multiple gestures in attempts to make amends for the drug baron’s crimes. These include making public statements in the press, leaving letters on the graves of his victims and on the 20th anniversary of his death organizing a public memorial for his victims.[59] Escobar’s body was exhumed on 28 October 2006 at the request of some of his relatives in order to take a DNA sample to confirm the alleged paternity of an illegitimate child and remove all doubt about the identity of the body that had been buried next to his parents for 12 years.[60] A video of the exhumation was broadcast by RCN, angering Marroquín, who accused his uncle, Roberto Escobar, and cousin, Nicolas Escobar, of being «merchants of death» by allowing the video to air.[61]

Hacienda Nápoles

After Escobar’s death, the ranch, zoo and citadel at Hacienda Nápoles were given by the government to low-income families under a law called Extinción de Dominio (Domain Extinction). The property has been converted into a theme park surrounded by four luxury hotels overlooking the zoo.[30]

Escobar Inc

In 2014, Roberto Escobar founded Escobar Inc with Olof K. Gustafsson and registered Successor-In-Interest rights for his brother Pablo Escobar in California, United States.[62] Olof K Gustafsson is a Swedish youtuber with 310 000 subscribers as of 29 June 2022.[63]

Hippos

Escobar kept four hippos in a private menagerie at Hacienda Nápoles. They were deemed too difficult to seize and move after Escobar’s death, and hence left on the untended estate. By 2007, the animals had multiplied to 16 and had taken to roaming the area for food in the nearby Magdalena River.[64][65] In 2009, two adults and one calf escaped the herd and, after attacking humans and killing cattle, one of the adults (called «Pepe») was killed by hunters under authorization of the local authorities.[65] As of early 2014, 40 hippos have been reported to exist in Puerto Triunfo, Antioquia Department, from the original four belonging to Escobar.[66] Without management the population size is likely to more than double in the next decade.[67]

The National Geographic Channel produced a documentary about them titled Cocaine Hippos.[68] A report published in a Yale student magazine noted that local environmentalists are campaigning to protect the animals, although there is no clear plan for what will happen to them.[69] In 2018, National Geographic published another article on the hippos which found disagreement among environmentalists on whether they were having a positive or negative impact, but that conservationists and locals – particularly those in the tourism industry – were mostly in support of their continued presence.[70]

By October, 2021, the Colombian government had started a program to sterilize the hippos using a chemical to make them infertile.[71]

Apartment demolition

On 22 February 2019, at 11:53 AM local time, Medellín authorities demolished the six-story Edificio Mónaco apartment complex in the El Poblado neighborhood where, according to retired Colombian general Rosso José Serrano, Escobar planned some of his most brazen attacks. The building was initially built for Escobar’s wife but was gutted by a Cali Cartel car bomb in 1988 and had remained unoccupied ever since, becoming an attraction to foreign tourists seeking out Escobar’s physical legacy. Mayor Federico Gutierrez had been pushing to raze the building and erect in its place a park honoring the thousands of cartel victims, including four presidential candidates and some 500 police officers. Colombian President Ivan Duque said the demolition «means that history is not going to be written in terms of the perpetrators, but by recognizing the victims,» hoping the demolition would showcase that the city had evolved significantly and had more to offer than the legacy left by the cartels.[72]

In popular culture

Books

Escobar has been the subject of several books, including the following:

  • Escobar (2010), by Roberto Escobar, written by his brother shows how he became infamous and ultimately died.[73]
  • Escobar Gaviria, Roberto (2016). My Brother – Pablo Escobar. Escobar, Inc. ISBN 978-0692706374.
  • Kings of Cocaine (1989), by Guy Gugliotta, retells the history and operations of the Medellín Cartel, and Escobar’s role within it.[74]
  • Killing Pablo: The Hunt for the World’s Greatest Outlaw (2001), by Mark Bowden,[75][76] relates how Escobar was killed and his cartel dismantled by US special forces and intelligence, the Colombian military, and Los Pepes.[77]
  • Pablo Escobar: My Father (2016), by Juan Pablo Escobar, translated by Andrea Rosenberg.[78]
  • Pablo Escobar: Beyond Narcos (2016), by Shaun Attwood, tells the story of Pablo and the Medellin Cartel in the context of the failed War on Drugs; ISBN 978-1537296302
  • American Made: Who Killed Barry Seal? Pablo Escobar or George HW Bush (2016), by Shaun Attwood, tells Pablo’s story as a suspect in the murder of CIA pilot Barry Seal; ISBN 978-1537637198
  • Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar (2017) by Virginia Vallejo, originally published by Penguin Random House in Spanish in 2007, and later translated to 16 languages.
  • News of a Kidnapping, (original Spanish title: Noticia de un secuestro) non-fiction 1996 book by Gabriel García Márquez, and published in English in 1997.

Films

Two major feature films on Escobar, Escobar (2009) and Killing Pablo (2011), were announced in 2007.[79] Details about them, and additional films about Escobar, are listed below.

  • Blow, a 2001 American biographical film based on George Jung, a member of the Medellín Cartel; Escobar was portrayed by Cliff Curtis.
  • Pablo Escobar: The King of Coke (2007) is a TV movie documentary by National Geographic, featuring archival footage and commentary by stakeholders.[80][81]
  • Escobar (2009) was delayed because of producer Oliver Stone’s involvement with the George W. Bush biopic W. (2008). As of 2008, the release date of Escobar remained unconfirmed.[when?][82] Regarding the film, Stone said: «This is a great project about a fascinating man who took on the system. I think I have to thank Scarface, and maybe even Ari Gold.»[83]
  • Killing Pablo (2011) was supposedly in development for several years, directed by Joe Carnahan. It was to be based on Mark Bowden’s 2001 book of the same title, which in turn was based on his 31-part Philadelphia Inquirer series of articles on the subject.[76][77] The cast was reported to include Christian Bale as Major Steve Jacoby and Venezuelan actor Édgar Ramírez as Escobar.[84][85] In December 2008, Bob Yari, producer of Killing Pablo, filed for bankruptcy.[86]
  • Escobar: Paradise Lost (2014) a romantic thriller in which a naive Canadian surfer falls in love with a girl who turns out to be Escobar’s niece.
  • Loving Pablo (2017), Spanish film based on Virginia Vallejo’s book Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar with Javier Bardem as Escobar, and Penélope Cruz as Virginia Vallejo.[87]
  • American Made (2017), American biographical film based on Barry Seal; Escobar was portrayed by Mauricio Mejía.[88]
  • Weird: The Al Yankovic Story (2022), American biopic parody loosely based on the life of «Weird Al» Yankovic; Arturo Castro portrays Escobar who is depicted as a Weird Al fan who kidnaps Weird Al’s girlfriend, Madonna, to lure him to play at is fortieth birthday party. Weird Al instead murders him.

Television

  • In 2005, Court TV (now TruTV) crime documentary series Mugshots released an episode on Escobar titled «Pablo Escobar – Hunting The Druglord».[89]
  • In the 2007 HBO television series, Entourage, actor Vincent Chase (played by Adrian Grenier) is cast as Escobar in a fictional film entitled Medellín.[90]
  • One of ESPN’s 30 for 30 series films, The Two Escobars (2010), by directors Jeff and Michael Zimbalist, looks back at Colombia’s World Cup run in 1994 and the relationship between sports and the country’s criminal gangs — notably the Medellín narcotics cartel run by Escobar. The other Escobar in the film title refers to former Colombian defender Andrés Escobar (no relation to Pablo), who was shot and killed one month after conceding an own goal that contributed to the elimination of the Colombian national team from the 1994 FIFA World Cup.[91]
  • Caracol TV produced a television series, El cartel (The Cartel), which began airing on 4 June 2008 where Escobar is portrayed by an unknown model when he is shot down by Cartel del Sur’s hitmen.
  • Also Caracol TV produced a TV Series, Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal (Pablo Escobar, The Boss Of Evil), which began airing on 28 May 2012, and stars Andrés Parra as Pablo Escobar. It is based on Alonso Salazar’s book La parábola de Pablo.[92] Parra reprises his role in TV Series Football Dreams, a world of passion and El Señor de los Cielos (season 1). Parra has declared not to play the character again so as not to pigeonhole himself.
  • RTI Producciones produced a TV Series for RCN Televisión, Tres Caínes, was released on 4 March 2013, which Escobar is portrayed by the colombian actor Juan Pablo Franco (who portrayed general Muriel Peraza in Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal) in the first phase of the series. Franco reprises his role in Surviving Escobar: Alias JJ.
  • The same year 2013, Fox Telecolombia produced for RCN Televisión a TV Series, Alias El Mexicano, released on 5 November 2013, which Escobar is portrayed by an unknown actor in a minor role.
  • A Netflix original television series depicting the story of Escobar, titled Narcos, was released on 28 August 2015, starring Brazilian actor Wagner Moura as Pablo.[93] Season two premiered on the streaming service on 2 September 2016.[94]
  • In 2016 RCN Televisión produced the TV Series En la boca del lobo, was released on 16 August 2016, which Escobar is portrayed by Fabio Restrepo (who portrayed Javier Ortiz in Pablo Escobar: El Patrón del Mal) as the character of Flavio Escolar.
  • National Geographic in 2016 broadcast a biography series Facing that included an episode featuring Escobar.[95]
  • On 24 January 2018 Netflix released the 68-minute-long documentary Countdown to Death: Pablo Escobar directed by Santiago Diaz and Pablo Martin Farina.[96][97]
  • Killing Escobar was a documentary televised in the UK in 2021. It concerned a failed attempt by mercenaries, contracted by the Cali Cartel and led by Peter McAleese, to assassinate Escobar in 1989.
  • Fox Telecolombia produced in 2019 a TV Series, El General Naranjo, which aired on 24 May 2019, which Escobar is portrayed by the Colombian actor Federico Rivera.

Music

  • The 2013 song «Pablo» by American rapper E-40 serves as an ode to the legacy of Pablo Escobar.[98]
  • The 2016 album The Life of Pablo by American rapper Kanye West was named after the three Pablo’s that inspired and represented some part of the album, with one of them being Pablo Escobar.[99]
  • Dubdogz’s «Pablo Escobar» (feat. Charlott Boss), released in 2020, has garnered more than 5.6 million views for its official music video.[100]

References

  1. ^ «10 facts reveal the absurdity of Pablo Escobar’s wealth». Business Insider. Retrieved 28 July 2018.
  2. ^ «Here’s How Rich Pablo Escobar Would Be If He Was Alive Today». UNILAD. 13 September 2016. Archived from the original on 29 July 2018. Retrieved 28 July 2018.
  3. ^ «10 facts reveal the absurdity of Pablo Escobar’s wealth». businessinsider.com. February 2016.
  4. ^ Page 469, Pablo Escobar, My Father. Escobar, Juan Pablo. St. Martin’s Press, New York. 2014.
  5. ^ «Pablo Escobar Gaviria – English Biography – Articles and Notes». ColombiaLink.com. Archived from the original on 8 November 2006. Retrieved 16 March 2011.
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External links

  • «The Abandoned House of Pablo Escobar». noaccess.eu. Archived from the original on 2 September 2015. Retrieved 18 August 2015.
  • Pablo Escobar at IMDb Edit this at Wikidata

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (1949 – 1993) was a Colombian drug lord and narcoterrorist who led the Medellín cartel, and amassed a fortune of $30 billion at the time of his death (equivalent to $56 billion in 2019).

Pablo began his criminal career during his teenage years, and became a well-known smuggler by the 1970s. He began smuggling cocaine into the United States in 1973, and founded The Medellín cartel in 1976 by entering into an alliance with other Medellín-based smugglers. Using his drug wealth, he began engaging in social charity to cement his political career. He was elected as an alternate representative in the Chamber of Representatives, but his political career came to an abrupt end when he was outed as a drug trafficker.

After his resignation, Escobar ordered several kidnappings, assassinations and bombings across Colombia; starting a war with the Colombian government. He ordered the Avianca Flight 203 bombing, resulting in the death of 106 civilians, and also ordered the Palce of Justice siege. Concurrently, he also fought a war with the Cali cartel, Colombia’s second largest drug cartel. In 1991, Escobar surrendered to the Colombian authorities, and struck a no-extradition deal with President César Gaviria, and was subsequently imprisoned in his self-built prison, La Catedral.

After Escobar murdered two of lieutenants inside his prison, President Gaviria attempted to move him into a standard prison. Escobar refused, and held Eduardo Sandoval hostage in the prison, prompting the Colombian special forces to lay siege upon the prison, resulting in Escobar’s escape in 1992. Following his escape, a nation-wide manhunt was organized by the government. The Medellín cartel was also targeted by the Los Pepes, a paramilitary vigilante organization financed by the Cali cartel. The Medellín cartel crumbled by the middle of 1993; and Escobar was killed in action while attempting to defend himself from the Colombian police.

Escobar was one of the wealthiest drug traffickers, and left a controversial legacy in Colombia. While he is vilified for his terrorism campaign against the government, he was considered as a «Paisa Robin Hood» by many of Colombia’s poor.

Pablo Escobar was born on 1 December 1949 to farmer Abel de Jesús Escobar Echeverri and school teacher Hermilda Gaviria in the town of Rionegro. His parents separated a few years after his birth, and he moved to Medellín with his mother and cousin Gustavo Gaviria. Pablo took part in small-time criminal activities during his childhood to support his family.

Pablo and Gustavo continued their criminal activities throughout their adolescence, and established a smuggling operation in which they smuggled consumer electronics, cigarettes, alcohol and marijuana across Colombia. By 1973, his organization became one of Colombia’s three most powerful smuggling operations.

In 1973, Gustavo introduced him to Mateo ‘Cockroach’ Moreno, a Chilean drug chemist who fled the Pinochet regime. Moreno wanted to produce and sell Cocaine in Colombia, however, Pablo called him out for his lack of ambition, and proposed to sell the cocaine in Miami.

Pablo and Gustavo established their cocaine smuggling operation, in which taxis owned by Escobar would ship cocaine paste from Peru into a processing lab in Medellín called The Kitchen, and the finished product would be smuggled to the United States by Gustavo’s friend The Lion using commercial airliners, where marijuana smuggler Carlos Lehder would sell it and The Lion would bring the profits back to Colombia. This operation proved to immensely successfull, and soon, Pablo replaced his taxis with trucks, had Lion use pilots and pregnant women as drug mules. After a few trips, Pablo closed The Kitchen and established a bigger cocaine lab in the jungle. At the dawn of the new decade, pretty much every legitimate Colombian export had cocaine stashed inside. Efficieny further improved when Lehder quit the marijuana business and began filling up his fleet of planes completely with cocaine.

Pablo’s success attracted the attention of other smugglers, including infamous emerald smuggler José Rodríguez Gacha and the Ochoa brothers: Jorge Luis and Fabio. Pablo called all smugglers together and invited them into the cocaine business to lower production, refining and smuggling costs. As per their agreement, Pablo would smuggle cocaine produced by the other smugglers to the United States, in exchange for 30% of the sales value.

However Cockroach was displeased at Pablo inviting more smugglers into his organization, and was indignant that he had to spend months living in a cocaine lab in the jungle while Escobar and Gaviria bought mansions for themselves.

Sometime in 1976, Gustavo informed that DAS (Administrative Department of Security) Colonel Jose Luis Herrera seized 390 kilos of cocaine paste worth over $4 million. When Pablo stormed into Herrera’s office, he was arrested, and Pablo’s infamous mugshot was subsequently taken. Afterwards, he was freed and Herrera demanded a renogotiation. Escobar deduced that someone in his own organization leaked the street value to the police, and offers Herrera $1 million in exchange for the source of the leak. Herrera accepts and reveals that it was Cockroach. Pablo discovered that Cockroach also stole cocaine from him and sold it separately in Miami with German Zapata. Pablo sent La Quica to kill Zapata, unaware that Zapata was walking into a DEA sting operation. Quica was captured by DEA Agent Steve Murphy after he killed Zapata and DEA Agent Kevin Brady. Pablo paid Quica’s bail money, helping him escape unpunished. Pablo then personally executed Cockroach, along with Herrera and several other DAS officers; cementing his strength over the country’s law enforcement.

With the flow of cocaine into Miami, the city became a hotbed of criminal activity. American businessmen feared that the cocaine would destroy the city’s formal economy, and urged US President Ronald Reagan to start a war on drugs. This led the DEA to send Murphy to investigate the drug trade.

Escobar hired journalist Valeria Velez to cultivate an image of the ‘Paisa Robin Hood’.

Escobar began pulling in $5 million a week, and after Gustavo informed him that their 3-car taxi company can’t act as a front any longer, Escobar ordered Gustavo to bury the excess cash which couldn’t be laundered across Colombia. However, the cartel leader’s excessive show of opulence got them featured in the Forbes magazine. M-19, a communist guerilla group kidnapped Marta Ochoa on 13 March, 1981; the same day The Lion completed 100 trips to Miami. Pablo and Gustavo refused to pay the ransom money; and called for a meeting at the Las Margeritas hotel in Medellín, where they officially proclaimed the formation of the Medellín cartel. Escobar took advantage of the kidnapping, and united all of the narcotraffickers to form the Muerte a Secuestradores, an organization led by Escobar which aimed to end the kidnapping. Using his army of sicarios, Pablo clamped down on M-19, forcing them to release Marta. Despite this, Pablo continued on with the bloodshed until Iván Torres, the leader of the M-19, presented Escobar with the sword of Simón Bolívar, a historical relic which they had stolen earlier.

At some point in the early 1980s, Escobar met with Gilberto and Miguel Rodríguez Orejuela of the Cali cartel, a rival drug enterprise whereupon they came up in an agreement in which the Cali cartel would sell cocaine in New York City, while Miami would be held by the Medellin cartel.

A few years later, the Cali cartel grew up to be second-largest drug cartel in Colombia. After Mexican drug trafficker Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo finalized an agreement in which he would smuggle cocaine through Mexico for the Cali cartel, Escobar had Blackie kidnap him and his associate Isabella Bautista. At the Hacienda Napoles, he introduced Félix to his hippos, heard his backstory and had him smuggle an equal amount of cocaine for the Medellin cartel too.

With a large inflow of cash, Pablo decided to fulfill his lifelong ambition of becoming a politician. He also wanted to use his power to provide protection to his allies. In the Colombian general election in the early 1980s, he ran as alternative for former Congressman Jairo Ortega as a part of the New Liberalism party. Pablo hired lawyer Fernando Duque to donate massive amounts of money to the New Liberalism party to get them to overlook his drug career.

Escobar campaigned for Ortega across the poor districts of his electorates, and built schools, houses and hospitals for the poor. His men distributed money to the poor as bribes. This resulted in a landslide victory for Ortega, who immediately resigned from his post and appointed Escobar as his successor.

However, at his first parliamentary session, Justice Minister Rodrigo Lara Bonilla ousted Escobar as a drug trafficker by displaying Escobar’s 1976 mugshot to the entire room and claimed that the fortune he made from his taxi company was a lie. Escobar aggressively stared down Lara, and walked out of the hall. Lara did not stop there, and actively went after the cartel. He fined Escobar for the illegal importation of elephants, denied flying permits to 57 planes of the Ochoa brothers’ air fleet, and revealed that six of the country’s eight soccer teams were owned by narcotraffickers, prompting Gacha to give up ownership of Los Millonarios (The Millionaires). Escobar attempted to slander Lara, but his attempts were in vain, and he finally resigned from his post.

Escobar retaliated by ordering his men to assassinate Rodrigo Lara in August 1984.

Escobar was indicted for the murder of Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, and the Colombian government agreed to an extradition treaty with the United States for anyone related to narcotic trafficking charges. Escobar feared extradition the most, and formed Los Extraditables with his partners to fight extradition.

Escobar began buying off or scaring politicians to repeal the extradition treaty during the next elections, but was unable to do neither to Luis Carlos Galán. Pablo sent out hostile letters to politicians and judges, but his efforts were in vain; and ultimately resorted to violence by assassinating lawyers and judges; beginning his history of terrorism against government.

Pablo is informed by La Quica that the police are on their way to Hacienda Napoles, his ranch. Pablo orders an immediate evacuation. Gustavo blamed Pablo’s political ambitions for ruining their organization, but they reconcile. DEA Agent Murphy found the address of Fernando Del Valle, one of Pablo’s top accountants and the one who knew where most of Pablo’s buried cash was, and the CNP quickly arrested him. Fernando testified against Escobar in custody, and tons of evidence related to Escobar recovered from Fernando’s safehouse were stored at the Palace of Justice. This threatened Pablo’s empire, which at that point made $60 million a day.

The DEA captured Barry Seal, an ex-CIA pilot who worked as a pilot for the cartel. Seal provided photographs which showed Pablo loading a plane full of cocaine along with Nicaraguan officials, who were a part of the left-wing Sandinista movement. When the narco-communist connection reached Washington D.C., the US government roped in the US Armed Forces and the CIA with the DEA’s fight against the cartel. Escobar responded by sending hitmen to assassinate Seal, who was hiding in Baton Rouge.

The DEA tracked a shipment of ether to Tranquilandia, one of Escobar’s biggest labs, and soon raided the complex and captured Lehder, who was immediately extradited to the United States. Fearing the same would happen to them, in 1985 Escobar and his allies paid $2 million dollars to Ivan Torres to attack the Palace of Justice and destroy evidence related to the cartel. The M-19 were successful, and destroyed over 6000 pages of evidence against Escobar. Escobar expressed his gratitude by killing all of the surviving M-19 members, including Torres.

Pablo, Gustavo, Gacha, the Ochoa brothers and their families then fled to Panama in 1989, which was then under the control of General Manuel Noriega, an important CIA ally. Pablo offered to pay the national debt of Colombia in exchange for repealing the extradition treaty, though his offer was turned away. Pablo planned to move to Europe, but his wife convinced him to return back to their home country. In August 1989, under Pablo’s orders, Galán was assassinated at one of his rallies. The assassination triggered a rift between Pablo and Fabio Ochoa, who felt that Escobar was taking erratic decisions without consulting others members of the cartel. At Galán’s funeral, his son named his campaign manager César Gaviria as his successor. Escobar sent Duque and Velez to force Gaviria into repelling the extradition treaty once he came into power, else promised all-out war. Pablo began doubting the loyalty of the Ochoa brothers.

While waiting for Gaviria’s response, Pablo began ordering the assassinations of judges, politicians, editors and journalists who opposed him. Escobar’s men began recruiting children from the slums to work as scouts, delivery boys and killers for the cartel. In the meantime, Colonel Horacio Carrillo began recruiting an army of incorruptible men to form the Search Bloc; the organization dedicated to bring Escobar down.

Lies are necessary when the truth is difficult to believe. Right?

― Escobar to Eduardo Sandoval, during his surrender.

Gaviria spoke in favor of extradition while addressing the foreign media; and Pablo officially began the war against the Colombian government. Pablo established a system in which his sicarios would be paid handsomely in exchange for killing police officers. Police officers were valued at 1 million pesos per head. The bounty system led to the death of over 200 police officers, which resulted in the police constructing a special morgue just to store the bodies.

Pablo hired Basque terrorist and explosives expert Efram Gonzalez to create a bomb which would be used to assassinate Gaviria, who was now the most popular presidential candidate. He began courting Jaime Carrera, a teenager from the slums, to be the bomber, and planned on bombing a commercial flight which Gaviria was scheduled to board. Jaime carried out the Avianca Flight 203 bombing, but unfortunately for Escobar, Gaviria did not board the plane as he was warned by the DEA. The bombing resulted in the death of 101 civilians (including Carrera, who did not know that he was on a bombing mission) and 6 crew members. The bombing led to an international outcry against narcotraffickers.

Navegante, Gacha’s head of security, and secretly a mole planted by the Cali cartel; provided Gacha’s location to the DEA, which resulted in the Colombian Nation Police killing him and his son Fredy Rodriguez Celades on 15 December, 1989 in Caratagena.

The bombing created a wave of support for Gaviria, who won the elections by a landslide in 1990. Upon assuming Presidency, Gaviria let the Search Bloc, led by Colonel Horacio Carrillo loose. Despite Carrillo mounting numerous raids, Escobar managed to slip away thanks to his army of informants. Escobar retaliated with a devastating bombing campaign which resulted in thousands of civilian deaths.

Pablo Escobar meeting Hélmer Herrera in 1989

With a government sanction operation against Escobar, the Cali cartel began selling their cocaine in Los Angeles, violating a previous agreement with Escobar. Escobar, Gustavo, Fernando Galeano and Gerardo Moncada met with Pacho Herrera, one of the four leaders of the Cali cartel to resolve the dispute. Pacho reiterates that both cartels would remain allied in the war against extradition, and the issue over Los Angeles would be looked after once Escobar resolves his conflict against the state. Escobar found Pacho arrogant and gave off a thinly veiled death threat.

Escobar send Duque to negotiate a surrender deal with Gaviria in exchange for the bombings to stop. Duque however, began questioning Escobar’s methods, and upon Gaviria’s insistence, lied about the government seeking a surrender deal in exchange for the bombings to stop, giving more time for Carrillo to track down Escobar.

Escobar wanted to continue the bombing, but Gustavo convinced him to instead bring terror to people who mattered the most to the government: children of politicians and businessmen. Pablo ordered his men to kidnap the children of Colombia’s elite, one of them being Diana Turbay, a highly popular news anchor, daughter of former President Julio César Turbay Ayala and Valeria Velez’s fiercest competitors.

When President Gaviria refused to bend, Escobar ordered Poison to kill Ofelia Hernandez, a wealthy heiress. Escobar knew that Diana’s father would put immense pressure on Gaviria; so he decided make a hostage film with Diana. Diana agreed to it after she made Escobar free one of the hostages. When former President Turbay threatened to rob Gaviria of his support at the assemblies and pull back financial donors, Gaviria caved in and agreed to negotiate with Duque. Concurrently, he also authorized the CIA to put their surveillance planes on the air to track down Escobar.

Escobar came to know of the Search Bloc operations and began setting up traps to distract them. He later had Diana shoot another video, in exchange for releasing two more hostages. When she asked why Escobar was a violent terrorist, he replied that it was because of people like her father, who couldn’t tolerate a rural peasant who was more richer and more intelligent than them. In her next video, she warned Gaviria that if he continued his co-operation with the Americans, Escobar would kill every hostage. Despite this, Gaviria continued to allow the Americans to intercept radio signals.

The CIA located Gorilla, one of Escobar’s sicarios who guarded Diana. After they triangulated the coordinates, they had Carrillo mount a rescue operation. However, Diana was accidentally shot and killed by Carrillo during the raid. Diana’s death devastated everyone in Colombia, from the rich to the poor. Outmanoeuvred, Gaviria agreed to Escobar’s demands.

As part of Escobar’s demands, the government abolished the extradition treaty with the United States, and allowed him to turn himself in for the simple charge of drug trafficking. He was allowed to build his own prison, and the police were not permitted to enter a three kilometre radius surrounding the prison complex. The prison complex, called La Catedral was completed in 1991; and Escobar moved in along with a battalion of trusted sicarios. Among other things, the prison included a football field, a bar with a jacuzzi for the sicarios and a doll house for Manuela. Escobar also built a ranch for his family outside the prison for his family. He then promoted Moncada and Galeano as head of operations, and entrusted them to lead the cartel’s operations while he was imprisoned. However, Escobar also established a war tax of $200,000 per month for them; saying that Escobar bore all the costs of the war which brought peace. Valeria attempted to distance herself from Escobar, justifying that association with a prisoner would ruin her journalism career. He also informs Gustavo that he is aware of his extramarital relationship with Marina Ochoa, the other sister of the Ochoa brothers.

Meanwhile, Valeria unwittingly reveals the location of Escobar’s hideout at the Monaco building to Pacho Herrera. Both the Colombian police and the Cali cartel planned on getting Escobar before he officially surrendered. While Carrillo mounted an army of vigilantes, Herrera decided to bomb the Monaco building. However, Escobar survived the attack. The bombing caused Escobar’s daughter Manuela to turn permanently deaf on one ear.

Pacho also spilled the beans on Marina’s affair with Gustavo to the Ochoa brothers. The Ochoa brothers, while initially angry, decide to ignore the matter and planned on coming up with a surrender deal similar to Escobar’s. However, Pacho played the brothers into believing that Escobar was going to betray them once he went inside the jail. The brothers decided to give away to location of Gustavo to General Jaramillo in exchange for a surrender deal. With the help of the Cali cartel, the Ochoa brothers signed their own treaty with the government. They received reduced sentences for illegally importing bulls from Spain. Acting on the Ochoa brothers’ information, Colonel Carrillo led a squad of off-duty men and arrested him while he was at a hotel with Marina. The vigilante cops, led by Carrillo, took Gustavo to an abandoned building, and tortured him to extract Escobar’s location. When Gaviria refused, Carrillo and his cops, all of whom had lost several family members due to Escobar’s terrorism campaign, took turns torturing Gaviria. Carrillo finally ended the torture session by shooting Gaviria in the head, and then subsequently fired several other shots into his body to make it appear that he was killed in a shoot-out, and dumped his body on the outskirts of Sabaneta.

Escobar listening to Gustavo’s funeral over the radio.

Escobar was deeply shocked by Gustavo’s death. Valeria visited him, and told him that the Ochoa brothers were spotted at Cali before their surrender, and said that they sold out Gaviria to the government. When Escobar asked whom did they meet, she responded with Pacho Herrera. Escobar ordered an attack on Pacho while he was playing soccer, but unfortunately, despite killing 14 men affiliated to the Cali cartel, Escobar’s sicarios were unable to kill Herrera, who had escaped. Escobar then remotely listened to his cousin’s funeral through the radio, and vowed vengeance against the Cali cartel.

Hours after the parliament voted to repeal the extradition treaty, a military helicopter was dispatched to Escobar’s hideout, where he officially surrendered to Eduardo Sandoval. He was taken by helicopter to his private prison.

La Catedral[]

Escobar and his sicarios moved into the La Catedral, the private prison fortress. The military guarding a 3 kilometre radius around the prison were corrupted by the cartel, which allowed Paisa to drive in with trucks carrying Escobar’s requested items, including gambling equipment, women, lobsters and weapons. However despite this, prison life bored Escobar and he began making a scrapbook of his life.

With the cartel moving twice the amount of cocaine compared to the Cali cartel, Escobar decided to settle the dispute over Los Angeles with the Cali cartel. However, he ordered Velasco to murder 10 members of the Cali cartel to gain a leverage over the negotiations. Moncada and Galeano met with Cali boss Herrera, and decided to settle the dispute for $10 million, despite Herrera only willing to offer $3 million initially. Escobar was indignant at the amount, and ordered them to triple the price to $30 million. After Galeano beat Escobar in a billiards wager, Escobar quadrupled the war tax over his lieutenants to $1 million.

While celebrating his birthday with his family inside the prison, he heard Judy, Gerardo’s wife, complaining about the war tax imposed on her husband. Later, Pablo was violently tackled by Arete while playing a soccer math. Pablo began to feel that he was losing respect among his employees.

Pablo questions Moncada and Galeano.

Velasco reported that a farmer working on land owned by Galeano and Moncada found $3 million buried deep under the ground. Velasco believed that Galeano and Moncada stole it, after claiming that they lost 250 kilos of cocaine to the police. Pablo summoned them to the prison on July 16, 1992 and questioned them about it. It turned into a heated argument, but after they affirmed their loyalty, Pablo decided to forgive them believing that imprisonment could have made him paranoid; much to the chagrin of his sicarios, who wanted action.

Pablo realized this, and just as Galeano and Moncada were about to get onto El Paisa’s truck, Pablo grabbed a pool cue and violently attacked Galeano from behind, bludgeoning him to death. Blackie and Velasco quickly grabbed Moncada and dragged him away, as he cursed Escobar. Blackie and Velasco killed Moncada, and burnt their budies using a cremator inside the complex, and threw a barbeque to hide the smell.

Rumors of Kiko and Galeano’s deaths began to spread. The Cali cartel spread the rumor to the DEA, who corroborated with photographs taken from Paisa’s truck. In order to cause further chaos, DEA agents Murphy and Javier Peña send the photographs to the El Espectador newspaper. After the photos were published, it caused a political storm in Colombia, and President Gaviria decided to move Escobar to a conventional prison.

Escobar refused to move, prompting Gaviria to send in the Military to lay siege upon the prison on 22 July, 1992. Escobar demanded a re-negotiation, fearing that he would be extradited to America if he left his prison. Gaviria sent Sandoval to the prison complex to negotiate with Escobar. Despite Gaviria instructing the Army to arrest Escobar, Sandoval realized that the Army had done no such thing, and voluntarily went inside the prison all by himself.

Escobar used the opportunity to hold Sandoval hostage, and forced him to talk to Gaviria through a prison telephone. Sandoval successfully managed to inform Gaviria about his kidnapping, without Escobar knowing about it. Gaviria relieved Brigadier General Ariza off command, and authorized a Army Special Forces raid on the prison. The Army stormed the prison with 250 Special Forces operatives, and fought a long gun battle with Escobar’s sicarios, and successfully extracted Sandoval. However, Escobar managed to escape the prison using his influence. A band of Colombian soldiers attempted to stop him, but let him walk off because of his infamy.

Return to Medellín[]

Escobar interrogates Judy’s men.

Escobar immediately reunited with his family, and ordered his sicarios to relocate all hideouts, drug labs and cash stashes. Gaviria re-enabled the Search Bloc and placed it under Colonel Pinzón. The CNP (Colombian National Police) invaded the city and established check points at every corner.

Gerardo Moncada’s wife, Judy, broke away from the cartel in retaliation for her husband’s murder, along with her brother Jaime Mendoza and the Medellín cartel’s head of security Don Berna. However, other high ranking members like Ricardo Prisco of the Prisco gang and the Gallon gang remained loyal to Escobar.

Quica hired taxi-driver El Limón, a resident of one of the barrios constructed by Escobar, to be Escobar’s chauffer. El Limón agreed to chauffer Pablo around Medellín, while Pablo hid in his taxi’s trunk. In order to make it look more legitimate, he hired his classmate Maritza to act as the taxi passenger. Escobar also re-established his network of using children as spotters.

Pablo met Rojas, one of his accountants, and heard from him that Judy Moncada was on talks with rival drug traffickers. With the help of Ricardo, Pablo raided Jaime Mendoza’s lab, and shot him in the head as a warning for Judy.

Escobar met Fernando that night, and told him to call President Gaviria and inform him that Escobar was willing to return to La Catedral and finish the sentence. However, Gaviria refused to talk, and his assistant Sandoval told Duque to turn on the television. Gaviria gave a live address, and said that he was willing to offer $1.4 million for information relating to Escobar’s capture, and affirmed that under no condition would he ever negotiate with Escobar again. Pablo then gave an aggressive interview, hoping to gain the attention of American President Bush.

Despite this, Colombia’s Attorney-General Gustavo de Greiff Restrepo met with Duque and was willing to negotiate a surrender deal with Escobar. Meanwhile, the Americans had tracked down Pablo’s hideout while following an imported gold-embellished toilet, and mounted a raid. Pablo and his family escaped, but after being driven out of his home again, Pablo swore to engage in another war with the government. He brought back the bounty system and sent his sicarios to the city to indiscriminately kill police officers.

The wave of violence led Colonel Pinzón to resign as the leader of the Seach Bloc, and President Gaviria re-appointed Colonel Carrillo, who was exiled to Spain after Escobar’s surrender, to succeed him. Immediately after Carrillo’s return, he took a large convoy of cops to the centre of Escobar’s barrios, and urinated onto one of Escobar’s murals. Escobar saw it as an act of intimidation, failing to realize that Carrillo did it in order to locate Escobar’s network of spotters.

Pablo’s men attacked Judy’s mansion, and Pablo personally questioned her bodyguards about her whereabouts, but received no response.

Meanwhile, a Search Bloc raid led by Carrillo eliminated most of the Prisco gang, except leader and Escobar’s physician Ricardo. The Search Bloc under Carrillo went hard on Escobar’s organization. Using information supplied by Don Berna and Judy, the Search Bloc raided several of Escobar’s laboratories. Carrillo even threw Gato, Escobar’s sicario who managed a drug lab out of a helicopter when he refused to rat on Pablo.

Carrillo’s men rounded up six of Escobar’s spotters. They behaved mischievously while Carrillo attempted to interrogate them, so he shot the eldest one of them, and gave a bullet to the youngest, telling him to inform Escobar that it was for him. With the help of Velez, Escobar filmed an interview of the kid, accusing Carrillo of unaccounted brutality. However, President Gaviria decided to ignore the video. Infuriated, Escobar wrote to all major newspapers in Colombia and the United States about Carrillo’s brutality, but his letters were ignored. Fearing for the life of his family, Escobar began training his wife on gun combat.

Escobar executes Colonel Carrillo

Deciding that the only way to feel safe was to have Carrillo killed, Escobar had Limón use Maritza as a bait to lure Carrillo. Limón had Maritza approach the DEA, and she agreed to give away Escobar’s location in exchange for protection. Javier Peña, the DEA agent, passed on the information to Carrillo, who mounted a big convoy and drove to the location given to them by Maritza. One the way, Escobar and his sicarios ambushed the convoy, killing most of the police officers. Carrillo, who was mortally wounded, crawled out of his car and collapsed to the ground. Escobar walked over towards him, and shot him with the bullet he gave to the kid. Escobar proceeded to unload an entire pistol magazine on Carrillo in retaliation for Gustavo’s murder. Escobar later met Maritza, and thanked her for her help by giving her a duffel bag full of US Dollars.

Carrillo’s death shook everyone in Colombia, especially the Cali cartel, whose leadership hoped that Carrillo would’ve brought an end to Escobar. The Search Bloc was on a standstill as no Colombian police officer wanted to succeed Carrillo.

Collapse of the Medellín cartel[]

In order to cheer his wife, Escobar facilitated the arrival of his brother-in-law Carlos Henao from Miami. Carlos informed him that Escobar’s war with the government after his escape from prison did not hinder their operations, and they were making more money than ever. Escobar wanted his business to grow further, and told his sicarios to call The Lion back to Colombia.

Meanwhile, CIA representative Bill Stechner convinced Carlos Castaño of the AUC right-wing paramilitary group to go after Escobar. Carlos Castaño, and his brother Fidel Castaño resented Escobar due to his collaboration with the M-19 during the Palace of Justice siege; and agreed to shift their operations from the jungle to the city to hunt down Escobar. The brothers met with Herrera and Judy to form a partnership, but Herrera declined, stating that the brother’s operations would risk the secrecy of the Cali cartel. Judy, however, decided to work with the brothers, and had Don Berna, who had previously co-operated with DEA agent Javier Peña under her orders, convince Peña to join their organization, called Los Pepes.

While Javier Peña was reluctant at first, he agreed to work after he was dismayed by the inefficiency of the Search Bloc following Carrillo’s death. With the help of Maritza, he followed Limón to one of the cartel’s safehouses. He saw Velasco there, and called the Search Bloc for backup, however, his request was denied, so he called Berna instead, and Los Pepes arrived at the location and successfully captured Velasco. Berna tortured Velasco, and obtained the location of three of Escobar’s accountants, and also the fact that Lion was returning to Colombia.

Judy gave the information to Gilberto, who sent Navegante to whisk away Lion at the airport. Lion agreed to betray Escobar and work with the Cali cartel. He later lied to Blackie that he got spooked and took a flight back to Miami. Lion began to reveal Pablo’s operations in Miami to Pacho Herrera.

Impressed by the AUC’s tactics, Peña began illegally sharing intelligence gathered by the Search Bloc to the Los Pepes. The Los Pepes functioned as a death squad, and killed dozens of Pablo’s sicarios, and numerous civilians.

Ricardo Prisco, the leader of the Prisco brothers, escaped an attempt on his life by the Los Pepes, and succeeded in injuring one. He had his men admit him in one of the hospitals, and using his doctor privileges, tortured the man to death, and found out that the Los Pepes were affiliated to the AUC.

Escobar decides to go to war again with the Cali cartel

Escobar was unsure as to why the AUC would leave the jungle and come after him, and concluded that Judy Moncada was behind it. Later, a garage housing Escobar’s car collection was burned down. Escobar concluded that Judy did not have the funds to finance such an operation, and deduced the Cali cartel had a role in the Los Pepes.

Escobar then bombed the wedding of Gilberto’s daughter Marta Rodríguez. Despite numerous casualities, the leaders of the Cali cartel survived, along with the bridge and groom. Enraged that Escobar went after his family, Gilberto vowed revenge against Escobar, and officially sanctioned funding to the Los Pepes.

Escobar’s mother violated security and ordered her driver Manuel to take her to church. They were tracked down by the Los Pepes, who then attempted to raid the house, resulting in a fierce gun battle with Escobar and his sicarios. While Escobar’s family members survived, Carlos was shot dead. The family immediately evacuated the safe house and returned back to the Escobar family’s original house, which Escobar vacated in the 1970s. Escobar burned US $2 million stashed in the house to keep his daughter warm while his sicarios went looking for firewood. The Cali cartel leaders went into hiding after the incident.

Unable to strike back at the Cali cartel, Escobar began bombing their chain of pharmacy stores, killing several innocent bystanders in the process. Concurrently, Escobar also began going after the government as he felt that they held double standards as they did not condemn the Los Pepes.

In 1993, Escobar decided that Colombia wasn’t safe for his family, and sent them to Germany, which relaxed it’s immigration laws following the collapse of the Berlin wall. Fernando Duque is killed by the Los Pepes, along with his young son, his wife and her mother. The stress began taking a toll of Pablo’s physical health, with frequent headaches plaguing him.

The DEA prevented Escobar’s family from entering Germany. Their visas are revoked, and they were forced to return to Colombia. Just immediately outside the Bogotá airport, they were taken by armed personnel of the Attorney-General’s Office, and were housed at a hotel in the city. Escobar sent Blackie to spy on them. Despite not seeing anything, Blackie tells Escobar that the family is doing fine. Blackie is eventually nabbed by the police while in Bogotá.

Escobar’s resentment towards President Gaviria for not condemning the Los Pepes grew. He had Blackie load up 220 pounds of TNT inside a car, and explode it outside a shopping district in the Downtown Bogotá close to the Presidential Palace. The latest terror attack completely turned the public against Escobar. Despite the Attorney-General pleading Escobar to unconditionally surrender, Escobar refused, saying that he would only negotiate when his family is safely taken outside Colombia.

The Gallon gang, a gang of drug traffickers who were allied to Escobar, quickly switched loyalty to the Los Pepes after Judy paid them a visit. The Los Pepes also began running advertisements in local newspapers calling all drug traffickers to side with them against Escobar.

Pablo found out from Quica that the Los Pepes planned a meeting with all other drug traffickers at Judy’s mansion in Montecasino. Escobar planned on attacking the meeting, but Rojas informed him that they were strapped on cash as shipments from Miami did not reach them properly as they used to. This was due to the Lion defecting to the Cali cartel, which Escobar did not know at that point. After the Cali cartel’s silent coup was successful, Pacho had Navegante kill The Lion.

With political pressure mounting on Gaviria due to the upcoming elections, the President allowed to free Escobar’s family and began negotiations on finding asylum for them. Escobar had Valeria Velez deliver a satellite phone inside a suitcase to Escobar’s family. However, the Los Pepes found out and killed Velez and her entire news crew.

Gaviria changed his mind and refused the Escobar family to seek asylum. Enraged, Escobar decided to enter a massive battle with the Los Pepes at Montecasino to eliminate them once and for all. However, Quica grew increasingly anxious about associating himself with Escobar. The DEA began calling Quica in order to pin-point his location. Quica then proceeded to kill Ricardo and Rojas, and fled with the last of Escobar’s money, but he is nabbed by the DEA following a car chase through the city.

Threatened with a snitch tag, Quica agreed to rat out on the staging point for Escobar’s raid on Montecasino. Quica later called Escobar through the radio in an attempt to talk to him, but Escobar deduced that Quica was under American custody, and ordered his last loyal sicario Limón to leave for his father’s ranch in the countryside.

The CNP, who were observing the staging point for the raid hoping that Escobar would arrive, grew tired, and eliminated the last batch of Escobar’s gunmen, effectively terminating the cartel.

Final days and death[]

Escobar reunited with his father after decades. Despite having contempt for his son’s occupation, Abel allowed Pablo and Limón to live and work at his ranch. Escobar laid low at his father’s farm throughout the middle of 1993, engaging in farm work. de Greiff was no longer able to protect Escobar’s rights, and President Gaviria increased the bounty on Escobar’s head.

One day, while attempting to slaughter a pig, Escobar got blood all over him, and let out a sleuth of profanities, prompting his father to snap. Abel berated his son for being a vile, murderous criminal. Escobar replied by saying that his actions gained him infamy, and that even the American President knows about the Escobar surname. He also scolded his father for not having a single photograph of his children or grandchildren, and chided him for living like an insignificant hermit.

Escobar had Limón recover some of the cash buried, but he found that most of them had rotten away, and all he found was around US $6,000. Escobar placed that money at his father’s cupboard, along with a photograph of his family, and drove back to Medellín. Limón, out of loyalty to Escobar, killed Maritza and recovered the cash Escobar had given her for her role in ending Carrillo.

Escobar enjoying Medellín for the very last time.

Escobar and Limón began staying in a run-down two-storey building at Los Olivios, a quite middle class neighbourhood of the city. Limón would occasionally venture out in his taxi to purchase food, and Escobar stayed inside, in constant communication with his family. One day, Escobar ventured out, and enjoyed a cup of ice cream at the tourist district, and had a hallucination about his cousin Gustavo, who scolded him for his actions.

On 1 December 1993, Escobar celebrated his 44th birthday with his family through radio contact. However, he was unaware that his signals were triangulated by the Search Bloc. The very next day, while speaking to his wife, his safehouse is raided by the CNP and the DEA. Escobar and Limón put up a fight, and attempt to flee through the roof. Limón was shot dead, and Escobar began to make a run for it, but was shot by a CNP sniper. As he laid down on the roof-top, CNP officer Trujilo executed Escobar, while yelling «For Colombia!». The CNP and DEA Agent Steve Murphy posed over Escobar’s dead body. Escobar suffered gunshots to the leg and torso, and a fatal gunshot through the ear.

Escobar’s mother hurried to his body after news of his death began to spread, and still claimed that his son was innocent when she cried over his body.

Aftermath[]

Escobar’s funeral saw the attendance of over 25,000 people, mainly from the slums of Medellín. Escobar’s labs were either destroyed or taken over by rival traffickers. His properties were seized by the government, and several of them, were turned into tourist destinations.

The international cocaine market was then taken over by his rivals, the Cali cartel. However, their dominance was short-lived, and they were taken down two years later in 1995. After that, the Colombian drug cartels moved back to the underground, and the cocaine market was then dominated by Mexican drug cartels such as the Sinaloa and Gulf cartels.

Don Berna took over the drug trade in Medellín, creating the Oficina de Envigado out of the remnants of the Los Pepes and the Medellín cartel. The void left by Escobar’s death and Judy Moncada’s flight to the United States allowed the Castaño brothers to enter the drug trafficking market.

Personality[]

While briefing Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo on the Colombiand drug cartels, Juan Matta-Ballesteros tells him that Escobar is a very temperamental and highly emotional individual. Escobar was extremely loyal to his family. Despite cheating on his wife with Valeria, he placed utmost priority on his wife’s safety, and even trained her on gun combat and fought extensively for her to get asylum in another country.

Personal life[]

Pablo married Argentian teenager Maria Victoria Henao in the 1970s, and they together have two children, Juan Pablo and Manuela. In addition to that, Pablo maintained an extramarital affair with journalist Valeria Velez from 1980s till 1991.

Trivia[]

  • He is one of the six characters that appears in both Narcos and Narcos: Mexico (the other characters are Amado Carrillo Fuentes, Hélmer Herrera, Navegante and Jorge Salcedo.

Appearances[]

Narcos Season 1
«Descenso«
Appears
«The Sword of Simón Bolivar«
Appears
«The Men of Always«
Appears
«The Palace in Flames«
Appears
«There Will Be a Future«
Appears
«Explosivos«
Appears
«You Will Cry Tears of Blood«
Appears
«La Gran Mentira«
Appears
«La Catedral«
Appears
«Despegue«
Appears
Narcos Season 2
«Free at Last«
Appears
«Cambalache«
Appears
«Our Man in Madrid«
Appears
«The Good, the Bad, and the Dead«
Appears
«The Enemies of My Enemy«
Appears
«Los Pepes«
Appears
«Deutschland 93«
Appears
«Exit El Patrón«
Appears
«Nuestra Finca«
Appears
«Al Fin Cayó!«
Appears
Narcos Mexico Season 1
«Camelot«
Absent
«The Plaza System«
Absent
«El Padrino«
Absent
«Rafa, Rafa, Rafa!«
Absent
«The Colombian Connection«
Appears
«La Última Frontera«
Absent
«Jefe de Jefes«
Absent
«Just Say No«
Absent
«811 Lope de Vega«
Absent
«Leyenda«
Absent


На основании Вашего запроса эти примеры могут содержать грубую лексику.


На основании Вашего запроса эти примеры могут содержать разговорную лексику.

Пабло Эскобар

Пабло Эскобара

Пабло Эскобаром

Пабло Эскобару

Пабло Эскобаре

Pablo Escobar


In 1993, Pablo Escobar was killed.


Pablo Escobar was the wealthiest criminal to ever exist.



Пабло Эскобар был самым жестоким и самым безжалостным преступником, который когда либо существовал.


It’s important that new generations don’t get fixated on the figure of Pablo Escobar and even less on mine.



Очень важно, чтобы новое поколение не зацикливалось на фигуре Пабло Эскобара и еще меньше на моей.


Cortez is the most vicious cartel boss since Pablo Escobar.



Кортес — самый кровавый босс наркокартели после Пабло Эскобара


The same happened with Pablo Escobar.


It was founded and run by Ochoa Vázquez brothers Jorge Luis, Juan David, and Fabio together with Pablo Escobar.



Он был основан и управлялся братьями Очоа Васкес — Хорхе Луисом, Хуаном Давидом и Фабио вместе с Пабло Эскобаром.


Throughout the world, the name Pablo Escobar is notorious.



Как ни странно, имя этого человека тоже известно всему миру — Пабло Эскобар.


Pablo Escobar was responsible for approximately 4,000 deaths, yet many people love him to this day.



Пабло Эскобар отвечал примерно за 4000 смертей, но многие люди любят его и по сей день.


Before telling about today’s day of this famous family, let’s remember who Pablo Escobar was.



Прежде чем рассказать о сегодняшнем дне этой знаменитой семьи, давайте вспомним, кто же был Пабло Эскобар.


However one thing that will forever be true is that Pablo Escobar is a truly captivating character.



Тем не менее одна вещь, которая всегда будет неизменной правдой — это то, что Пабло Эскобар обладал поистине увлекательным характером.


So, just like Pablo Escobar, I hid all my cash in various places.



Так что, как Пабло Эскобар, прятал наличку в разных местах.


I’m the Pablo Escobar of the fertility world.



Я как Пабло Эскобар в деле репродуктивных технологий.


Putting an end to Pablo Escobar is a patriotic act.


Because, to this day, Pablo Escobar is still alive.


Pablo Escobar was made of rage, revenge and terror.


It’s because you work for Pablo Escobar.


But Pablo Escobar, he thinks that’s just your opening offer.



Но вот Пабло Эскобар видит в этом приглашение к переговорам.


My children will always be Pablo Escobar‘s children.


Because right now, the game is Pablo Escobar.


I’m talking about Pablo Escobar‘s family.

Ничего не найдено для этого значения.

Результатов: 390. Точных совпадений: 390. Затраченное время: 50 мс

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Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (December 1, 1949–December 2, 1993) was a Colombian drug lord and the leader of one of the most powerful criminal organizations ever assembled. He was also known as «The King of Cocaine.» Over the course of his career, Escobar made billions of dollars, ordered the murders of hundreds of people, and ruled over a personal empire of mansions, airplanes, a private zoo, and his own army of soldiers and hardened criminals.

Fast Facts: Pablo Escobar

  • Known For: Escobar ran the Medellín drug cartel, one of the largest criminal organizations in the world.
  • Also Known As: Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria, «The King of Cocaine»
  • Born: December 1, 1949 in Rionegro, Colombia
  • Parents: Abel de Jesús Dari Escobar Echeverri and Hemilda de los Dolores Gaviria Berrío
  • Died: December 2, 1993 in Medellín, Colombia
  • Spouse: Maria Victoria Henao (m. 1976)
  • Children: Sebastián Marroquín (born Juan Pablo Escobar Henao), Manuela Escobar

Watch Now: 8 Fascinating Facts About Pablo Escobar

Early Life

Escobar was born on December 1, 1949, into a lower-middle-class family and grew up in Medellín, Colombia. As a young man, he was driven and ambitious, telling friends and family that he wanted to be the president of Colombia someday. He got his start as a street criminal. According to legend, Escobar would steal tombstones, sandblast the names off of them, and resell them to crooked Panamanians. Later, he moved up to stealing cars. It was in the 1970s that he found his path to wealth and power: drugs. He would buy coca paste in Bolivia and Peru, refine it, and transport it for sale in the United States.

Rise to Power

In 1975, a local Medellín drug lord named Fabio Restrepo was murdered, reportedly on the orders of Escobar himself. Stepping into the power vacuum, Escobar took over Restrepo’s organization and expanded his operations. Before long, Escobar controlled all organized crime in Medellín and was responsible for as much as 80 percent of the cocaine transported into the United States. In 1982, he was elected to Colombia’s Congress. With economic, criminal, and political power, Escobar’s rise was complete.

In 1976, Escobar married 15-year-old Maria Victoria Henao Vellejo, and they would later have two children, Juan Pablo and Manuela. Escobar was famous for his extramarital affairs and tended to prefer underage girls. One of his girlfriends, Virginia Vallejo, went on to become a famous Colombian television personality. In spite of his affairs, he remained married to María Victoria until his death.

Narcoterrorism

As the leader of the Medellín Cartel, Escobar quickly became legendary for his ruthlessness, and an increasing number of politicians, judges, and policemen publicly opposed him. Escobar had a way of dealing with his enemies: he called it plata o plomo (silver or lead). If a politician, judge, or policeman got in his way, he would almost always first attempt to bribe him or her. If that didn’t work, he would order the person killed, occasionally including the victim’s family in the hit. The exact number of men and women killed by Escobar is unknown, but it certainly goes well into the hundreds and possibly into the thousands.

Social status did not matter to Escobar; if he wanted you out of the way, he’d get you out of the way. He ordered the assassination of presidential candidates and was even rumored to be behind the 1985 attack on the Supreme Court, carried out by the 19th of April insurrectionist movement, in which several Supreme Court justices were killed. On November 27, 1989, Escobar’s cartel planted a bomb on Avianca flight 203, killing 110 people. The target, a presidential candidate, was not actually on board. In addition to these high-profile assassinations, Escobar and his organization were responsible for the deaths of countless magistrates, journalists, policemen, and even criminals inside his own organization.

Height of His Power

By the mid-1980s, Escobar was one of the most powerful men in the world, and Forbes magazine listed him as the seventh richest. His empire included an army of soldiers and criminals, a private zoo, mansions and apartments all over Colombia, private airstrips and planes for drug transport, and personal wealth reported to be in the neighborhood of $24 billion. Escobar could order the murder of anyone, anywhere, anytime.

He was a brilliant criminal, and he knew that he would be safer if the common people of Medellín loved him. Therefore, he spent millions on parks, schools, stadiums, churches, and even housing for the poorest of Medellín’s inhabitants. His strategy worked—Escobar was beloved by the common people, who saw him as a local boy who had done well and was giving back to his community.

Legal Troubles

Escobar’s first serious run-in with the law came in 1976 when he and some of his associates were caught returning from a drug run to Ecuador. Escobar ordered the killing of the arresting officers, and the case was soon dropped. Later, at the height of his power, Escobar’s wealth and ruthlessness made it almost impossible for Colombian authorities to bring him to justice. Any time an attempt was made to limit his power, those responsible were bribed, killed, or otherwise neutralized. The pressure was mounting, however, from the United States government, which wanted Escobar extradited to face drug charges. He had to use all of his power to prevent extradition.

In 1991, due to increasing pressure from the U.S., the Colombian government and Escobar’s lawyers came up with an interesting arrangement. Escobar would turn himself in and serve a five-year jail term. In return, he would build his own prison and would not be extradited to the United States or anywhere else. The prison, La Catedral, was an elegant fortress which featured a Jacuzzi, a waterfall, a full bar, and a soccer field. In addition, Escobar had negotiated the right to select his own “guards.” He ran his empire from inside La Catedral, giving orders by telephone. There were no other prisoners in La Catedral. Today, La Catedral is in ruins, having been hacked to pieces by treasure hunters looking for hidden Escobar loot.

On the Run

Everyone knew that Escobar was still running his operation from La Catedral, but in July 1992 it became known that the drug kingpin had ordered some disloyal underlings brought to his “prison,” where they were tortured and killed. This was too much for even the Colombian government, and plans were made to transfer Escobar to a standard prison. Fearing he might be extradited, Escobar escaped and went into hiding. The U.S. government and local police ordered a massive manhunt. By late 1992, there were two organizations searching for him: the Search Bloc, a special, U.S.-trained Colombian task force, and “Los Pepes,” a shadowy organization of Escobar’s enemies made up of family members of his victims and financed by Escobar’s main business rival, the Cali Cartel.

Death

On December 2, 1993, Colombian security forces—using U.S. technology—located Escobar hiding in a home in a middle-class section of Medellín. The Search Bloc moved in, triangulated his position, and attempted to bring him into custody. Escobar fought back, however, and there was a shootout. Escobar was eventually gunned down as he attempted to escape on the rooftop. Although he was also shot in the torso and leg, the fatal wound passed through his ear, leading many to believe that Escobar committed suicide. Others believe one of the Colombian policemen fired the bullet.

Legacy

With Escobar gone, the Medellín Cartel quickly lost power to its rival, the Cali Cartel, which remained dominant until the Colombian government shut it down in the mid-1990s. Escobar is still remembered by the poor of Medellín as a benefactor. He has been the subject of numerous books, movies, and television series, including «Narcos» and «Escobar: Paradise Lost.» Many people remain fascinated by the master criminal, who once ruled one of the largest drug empires in history.

Sources

  • Gaviria, Roberto Escobar, and David Fisher. «The Accountant’s Story: inside the Violent World of the Medellin Cartel.» Grand Central Pub., 2010.
  • Vallejo, Virginia, and Megan McDowell. «Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar.» Vintage Books, 2018.

Pablo Escobar was a Colombian drug lord whose ruthless ambition, until his death, implicated his wife, daughter and son in the notorious Medellin Cartel.

Who Was Pablo Escobar?

Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria was a Colombian drug trafficker who eventually controlled over 80 percent of the cocaine shipped to the U.S., earning him the rank of one of Forbes Magazine’s 10 wealthiest people in the world. 

Escobar entered the cocaine trade in the early 1970s, collaborating with other criminals to form the Medellin Cartel. He earned popularity by sponsoring charity projects and soccer clubs, but later, terror campaigns that resulted in the murder of thousands turned public opinion against him. 

Early Life

Escobar was born on December 1, 1949, in the Colombian city of Rionegro, Antioquia. His family later moved to the suburb of Envigado. 

Escobar came from a modest family: His father worked as a peasant farmer while his mother was a schoolteacher. From an early age, Escobar packed a unique ambition to raise himself up from his humble beginnings. 

Escobar reportedly began his life of crime early, stealing tombstones and selling phony diplomas. It wasn’t long before he started stealing cars, then moving into the smuggling business. 

Escobar’s early prominence came during the “Marlboro Wars,” in which he played a high-profile role in the control of Colombia’s smuggled cigarette market. This episode proved to be a valuable training ground for the future narcotics kingpin.

Escobar’s Wife, Son and Daughter

In 1976,  Escobar married 15-year-old Maria Victoria Henao. The couple had two children together: a son, Juan Pablo, and a daughter, Manuela. 

Today Escobar’s son is a motivational speaker who goes by the name Sebastian Marroquin. 

Marroquin studied architecture and published a book in 2015, Pablo Escobar: My Father, which tells the story of growing up with the world’s most notorious drug kingpin. He also asserts that his father had committed suicide. 

«My father’s not a person to be imitated,” Marroquin said in an Agence France-Presse interview. “He showed us the path we must never take as a society because it’s the path to self-destruction, the loss of values and a place where life ceases to have importance.”   

Pablo Escobar estate photo

Escobar’s lush and expansive estate, known as Hacienda Nápoles, included a zoo filled with exotic animals from around the world and large sculptures of dinosaurs in one of its gardens.

Medellin Cartel

It wasn’t by chance that Colombia came to dominate the cocaine trade. Beginning in the early 1970s, the country became a prime smuggling ground for marijuana.

But as the cocaine market flourished, Colombia’s geographical location proved to be its biggest asset. Situated at the northern tip of South America between the thriving coca cultivation epicenters of Peru and Bolivia, the country came to dominate the global cocaine trade with the United States, the biggest market for the drug, just a short trip to the north.

Escobar moved quickly to grab control of the cocaine trade. In 1975, drug trafficker Fabio Restrepo from the city of Medellin, Colombia, was murdered. His killing, it’s believed, came at the orders of Escobar, who immediately seized power and expanded Restrepo’s operation into something the world had never seen.

Under Escobar’s leadership, large amounts of coca paste were purchased in Bolivia and Peru, processed, and transported to America. Escobar worked with a small group to form the infamous Medellin Cartel.

By the mid-1980s, Escobar had an estimated net worth of $30 billion and was named one of the 10 richest people on Earth by Forbes. Cash was so prevalent that Escobar purchased a Learjet for the sole purpose of flying his money.

At the time, Escobar controlled more than 80 percent of the cocaine smuggled into the United States; more than 15 tons were reportedly smuggled each day, netting the Medellin Cartel as much as $420 million a week.

As Escobar’s fortune and fame grew, he dreamed to be seen as a leader. In some ways he positioned himself as a Robin Hood-like figure, which was echoed by many locals as he spent money to expand social programs for the poor.

Escobar’s Short-Lived Stint in Politics

As a young man, Escobar told friends and family that he wanted to become president of Colombia. Yet as he saw it, his path to wealth and legitimacy lay in crime.

In 1982 Escobar was elected as an alternate member of Colombia’s Congress. But the reasons for his wealth could not stay hidden, and two years after his election he was forced to resign. The justice minister who revealed Escobar’s notorious background was later slain.

How Many People Did Pablo Escobar Kill?

Escobar was responsible for the killing of thousands of people, including politicians, civil servants, journalists and ordinary citizens.

When he realized that he had no shot of becoming Colombia’s president, and with the United States pushing for his capture and extradition, Escobar unleashed his fury on his enemies in the hopes of influencing Colombian politics. His goal was a no-extradition clause and amnesty for drug barons in exchange for giving up the trade.

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Escobar’s terror campaign claimed the lives of three Colombian presidential candidates, an attorney general, scores of judges and more than 1,000 police officers. In addition, Escobar was implicated as the mastermind behind the bombing of a Colombian jetliner in 1989 that killed more than 100 people.

Escobar’s terror eventually turned public opinion against him and caused a breakup of the alliance of drug traffickers.

DOWNLOAD BIOGRAPHY’S PABLO ESCOBAR FACT CARD

Pablo Escobar Fact Card

Prison: ‘La Catedral’

In June 1991, Escobar surrendered to the Colombian government of President Cesar Gaviria. 

In return, the threat of extradition was lifted and Escobar was allowed to build his own luxury prison called “La Catedral,” which was guarded by men he handpicked from among his employees. The prison lived up to its name and came complete with a casino, spa and nightclub.

In June 1992, however, Escobar escaped when authorities attempted to move him to a more standard holding facility. A manhunt for the drug lord was launched that would last 16 months. 

During that time the monopoly of the Medellin Cartel, which had begun to crumble during Escobar’s imprisonment as police raided offices and killed its leaders, rapidly deteriorated.

Death

Escobar’s family unsuccessfully sought asylum in Germany and eventually found refuge in a Bogota hotel. 

Escobar himself was not so lucky: Colombian law enforcement finally caught up to the fugitive Escobar on December 2, 1993, in a middle-class neighborhood in Medellin. 

A firefight ensued and, as Escobar tried to escape across a series of rooftops, he and his bodyguard were shot and killed.

Pablo Escobar raid photo via Getty Images

Colombian police and military forces storm the rooftop where drug lord Pablo Escobar was shot dead just moments earlier during an exchange of gunfire between security forces and Escobar and his bodyguard on December 2, 1993. 

Photo: JESUS ABAD-EL COLOMBIANO/AFP/Getty Images

After Escobar’s Death

Escobar’s death accelerated the demise of the Medellin Cartel and Colombia’s central role in the cocaine trade. 

His end was celebrated by the country’s government and other parts of the world. His family was placed under police protection. 

Still, many Colombians mourned his killing. More than 25,000 people turned out for Escobar’s burial. 

“He built houses and cared about the poor,” one funeral-goer stated at Escobar’s funeral in a story reported by The New York Times. “In the future, people will go to his tomb to pray, the way they would to a saint.” 

‘El Patron del Mal’

Escobar was the subject of a popular 2012 Colombian television mini-series, El Patron del Mal

The program was produced by Camilo Cano and Juana Uribe, both of whom had family members who were murdered by Escobar or his assistants. 

‘Narcos’

Assisting in the manhunt for Escobar were two American Drug Enforcement agents, Steve Murphy and Javier Peña, both of whom had been working the Escobar case for years. Their story formed part of the backbone of the 2015 Netflix series Narcos.

In 2016, Escobar’s brother Roberto announced he was prepared to sue Netflix for $1 billion for its misportrayal of their family in its series Narcos

Roberto was Escobar’s accountant for his drug gang in real life, but in the show, the accountant is depicted as a non-family member who turns out to be a CIA agent. Roberto Escobar has since abandoned his efforts. 

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