Временное правительство как пишется

Russia
1917
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem:  Рабочая Марсельеза Rabochaya Marsel’yeza «Worker’s Marseillaise«Гимн Свободной России Gimn Svobodnoy Rossii «Anthem of Free Russia» (unofficial)
Government Seal:
Russian Provisional Government
Capital	Petrograd
Common languages	Russian
Government	Provisional government
Minister-Chairman
• Mar-Jul 1917	Georgy Lvov
• Jul-Sep 1917	Alexander Kerensky
Legislature	Provisional Council
Historical era	World War I
• February Revolution	8–16 March 1917
• Kornilov affair	10–13 September 1917
• Republic proclaimed	14 September 1917
Currency	Ruble
Preceded by Succeeded by Russian Empire Russian Republic

Russian Provisional Government
9th Cabinet of Russia
Date formed	2 March [15 March, N.S.] 1917
Date dissolved	October [November, N.S] 1917
People and organisations
Head of state	Alexis II (unproclaimed) Michael II (conditionally) Georgy Lvov (de facto)
Head of government	Georgy Lvov
Member parties	Progressive Bloc Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks Popular Socialists
Status in legislature	Coalition
Opposition cabinet	Executive Committee of Petrograd Soviet
Opposition parties	Bolsheviks Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
Opposition leader	Nikolay Chkheidze
History
Incoming formation	Golitsyn
Outgoing formation	Kerensky I
Predecessor	Nikolay Golitsyn
Successor	Alexander Kerensky

The Russian Provisional Government (Russian: Временное правительство России, tr. Vremennoye pravitel’stvo Rossii) was a provisional government of the Russian Republic, announced two days before and established immediately after the abdication of Nicholas II.^[1] The intention of the provisional government was the organization of elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly and its convention. The provisional government, led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky, lasted approximately eight months, and ceased to exist when the Bolsheviks gained power in the October Revolution in October [November, N.S.] 1917.

According to Harold Whitmore Williams, the history of the eight months during which Russia was ruled by the Provisional Government was the history of the steady and systematic disorganization of the army.^[2] For most of the life of the Provisional Government, the status of the monarchy was unresolved. This was finally clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice.^[3]

Overview[edit]

On 12 March (27 February, Old Style), after Prime Minister Nikolai Golitsyn was forced to resign, 24 commissars the Provisional Committee of the State Duma were appointed. The Committee was headed by Mikhail Rodzianko and suspended the activity of the Fourth State Duma. He temporarily took formal state power and announced the creation of a new government on 13 March. The Provisional Government was formed on 15 March 1917 (New Style) by the Provisional Committee in cooperation of the Petrograd Soviet, despite protests of the Bolsheviks. The government was led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky. It replaced the Council of Ministers of Russia, which presided in the Mariinsky Palace.

The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures.^[4] This weakness left the government open to strong challenges from both the right and the left. The Provisional Government’s chief adversary on the left was the Petrograd Soviet, a Communist committee then taking over and ruling Russia’s most important port city, which tentatively cooperated with the government at first, but then gradually gained control of the Imperial Army, local factories, and the Russian Railway.^[5] The period of competition for authority ended in late October 1917, when Bolsheviks routed the ministers of the Provisional Government in the events known as the «October Revolution», and placed power in the hands of the soviets, or «workers’ councils,» which had given their support to the Bolsheviks led by Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky.
The weakness of the Provisional Government is perhaps best reflected in the derisive nickname given to Kerensky: «persuader-in-chief.»^[6]

Formation[edit]

The authority of the Tsar’s government began disintegrating on 1 November 1916, when Pavel Milyukov attacked the Boris Stürmer government in the Duma. Stürmer was succeeded by Alexander Trepov and Nikolai Golitsyn, both Prime Ministers for only a few weeks. During the February Revolution two rival institutions, the imperial State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet, both located in the Tauride Palace, competed for power. Tsar Nicholas II abdicated on 2 March [15 March, N.S.], and Milyukov announced the committee’s decision to offer the Regency to his brother, Grand Duke Michael, as the next tsar.^[7] Grand Duke Michael would accept after the decision of the Russian Constituent Assembly.
He did not want to take the poisoned chalice^[8] and deferred acceptance of imperial power the next day. The Provisional Government was designed to set up elections to the Assembly while maintaining essential government services, but its power was effectively limited by the Petrograd Soviet’s growing authority.

Public announcement of the formation of the Provisional Government was made. It was published in Izvestia the day after its formation.^[9] The announcement stated the declaration of government

• Full and immediate amnesty on all issues political and religious, including: terrorist acts, military uprisings, and agrarian crimes etc.
• Freedom of word, press, unions, assemblies, and strikes with spread of political freedoms to military servicemen within the restrictions allowed by military-technical conditions.
• Abolition of all hereditary, religious, and national class restrictions.
• Immediate preparations for the convocation on basis of universal, equal, secret, and direct vote for the Constituent Assembly which will determine the form of government and the constitution.
• Replacement of the police with a public militsiya and its elected chairmanship subordinated to the local authorities.
• Elections to the authorities of local self-government on basis of universal, direct, equal, and secret vote.
• Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal out of Petrograd the military units participating in the revolution movement.
• Under preservation of strict discipline in ranks and performing a military service — elimination of all restrictions for soldiers in the use of public rights granted to all other citizens.

It also said, «The provisional government feels obliged to add that it is not intended to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in implementing the above reforms and measures.»

World recognition[edit]

Country	Date
United States	22 March 1917
United Kingdom	24 March 1917
France
Italy

Initial composition[edit]

Initial composition of the Provisional Government:

Post	Name	Party	Time of appointment
Prime minister and Minister of the Interior	Georgy Lvov		March 1917
Minister of Foreign Affairs	Pavel Milyukov	Kadet	March 1917
Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-Party	April 1917
Minister of War and Navy	Alexander Guchkov	Octobrist	March 1917
Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	April 1917
Minister of Transport	Nikolai Nekrasov	Kadet	March 1917
Minister of Trade and Industry	Aleksandr Konovalov	Progressist	March 1917
Minister of Justice	Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	March 1917
Pavel Pereverzev	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	April 1917
Minister of Finance	Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-Party	March 1917
Andrei Shingarev	Kadet	April 1917
Minister of Education	Alexander Manuilov	Kadet	March 1917
Minister of Agriculture	Andrei Shingarev	Kadet	March 1917
Victor Chernov	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	April 1917
Minister of Labour	Matvey Skobelev	Menshevik	April 1917
Minister of Food	Alexey Peshekhonov	Popular Socialists (Russia)	April 1917
Minister of Post and Telegraph	Irakli Tsereteli	Menshevik	April 1917
Ober-Procurator of the Most Holy Synod	Vladimir Lvov	Progressist	March 1917

April Crisis[edit]

Kerensky First Government
10th Cabinet of Russia
Date formed	24 July 1917 (see July Days)
Date dissolved	1 September 1917
People and organisations
Head of state	Grand Duke Michael (conditionally) Alexander Kerensky (de facto)
Head of government	Alexander Kerensky
Member parties	Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks Progressive Bloc Popular Socialists
Status in legislature	Coalition
Opposition cabinet	Executive Committee of Petrograd Soviet
Opposition parties	Bolsheviks Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
Opposition leader	Chkheidze/Trotsky
History
Incoming formation	Lvov
Outgoing formation	Kerensky II
Predecessor	Georgy Lvov
Successor	Alexander Kerensky

Kerensky Second Government
11th Cabinet of Russia
Date formed	14 September 1917
Date dissolved	7 November 1917
People and organisations
Head of state	Grand Duke Michael (conditionally) Alexander Kerensky (de facto)
Head of government	Alexander Kerensky
Member parties	Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks Progressive Bloc
Status in legislature	Coalition
Opposition cabinet	Executive Committee of Petrograd Soviet
Opposition parties	Bolsheviks Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
Opposition leader	Nikolay Chkheidze / Leon Trotsky
History
Incoming formation	Kerensky I
Outgoing formation	Lenin
Predecessor	Alexander Kerensky
Successor	Vladimir Lenin

During the April Crisis (1917) Ivan Ilyin agreed with the Kadet Milyukov who staunchly opposed Petrograd Soviet demands for peace at any cost. On 18 April [1 May, N.S.] 1917 minister of Foreign Affairs Pavel Milyukov sent a note to the Allied governments, promising to continue the war to ‘its glorious conclusion’. On 20–21 April 1917 massive demonstrations of workers and soldiers erupted against the continuation of war. Demonstrations demanded resignation of Milyukov. They were soon met by the counter-demonstrations organised in his support. General Lavr Kornilov, commander of the Petrograd military district, wished to suppress the disorders, but premier Georgy Lvov refused to resort to violence.

The Provisional Government accepted the resignation of Foreign Minister Milyukov and War Minister Guchkov and made a proposal to the Petrograd Soviet to form a coalition government. As a result of negotiations, on 22 April 1917 agreement was reached and 6 socialist ministers joined the cabinet.

During this period the Provisional Government merely reflected the will of the Soviet, where left tendencies (Bolshevism) were gaining ground. The Government, however, influenced by the «bourgeois» ministers, tried to base itself on the right-wing of the Soviet. Socialist ministers, coming under fire from their left-wing Soviet associates, were compelled to pursue a double-faced policy. The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures.^[4]

Kerensky’s June Offensive[edit]

In the summer of 1917, within the government, the liberals persuaded the socialists that the Provisional Government needed to launch an offensive against Germany. This was as a consequence of several factors: a request from Britain and France to help take the pressure off their forces in the West, avoiding the national humiliation of a defeat, to help put the generals and officers back in control of the armed forces so they could control the revolution and to place them in a better bargaining position with the Germans when peace negotiations started.^[10]

The government agreed that a ‘successful military offensive’ was required to unite the people and restore morale to the Russian army. Alexander Kerensky, Minister for War, embarked on a ‘whirlwind tour’ of the Russian forces at the fronts, giving passionate, ‘near-hysterical’, speeches where he called on troops to act heroically, stating ‘we revolutionaries, have the right to death.’ This worked for a time until Kerensky left and the effect on the troops waned.^[11]

The June Offensive, which started on 16 June, lasted for just three days before falling apart.^[12]  During the offensive, the rate of desertion was high and soldiers began to mutiny, with some even killing their commanding officers instead of fighting.^[13]

The offensive resulted in the death of thousands of Russian soldiers and great loss of territory. This failed military offensive produced an immediate effect in Petrograd in the form of an armed uprising known as the ‘July Days’. The Provisional Government survived the initial uprising, but their pro-war position meant that moderate socialist government leaders lost their credibility among the soldiers and workers.^[10]

July crisis and second coalition government[edit]

On July 2 (July 15 N.S.), in response to the government’s compromises with Ukrainian nationalists, the Kadet members of the cabinet resigned, leaving Prince Lvov’s government in disarray.^[14] This prompted further urban demonstrations, as workers demanded «all power to the Soviets.»^[15]

On the morning of July 3 (July 16), the machine-gun regiment voted in favour of an armed demonstration, with it agreed that the demonstrators should march peacefully to the front of the Tauride palace and elect delegates to ‘present their demands to the Executive Committee of the Soviet’.  

The following day, July 4 (July 17), around 20,000 armed sailors from the Kronstadt naval base arrived in Petrograd.2 The mass of soldiers and workers then went to the Bolshevik Headquarters to find Lenin, who addressed the crowd and promised them that, ultimately, all power would go to the Soviets. However, Lenin was rather reluctant about these developments, with his speech uncertain and barely lasting a minute.

As violence escalated in the streets with the mob looting shops, houses, and attacking well-dressed civilians, Cossacks and Kadets stationed atop the buildings of Liteyny Avenue began to fire upon the crowds, causing the marchers to scatter in panic as dozens were killed.

At around 7 pm, soldiers and a group of workers from the Putilov iron plant broke into the palace and, flourishing their rifles, demanded full power to the Soviets.  

When Socialist Revolutionary Minister Chernov attempted to calm them down, he was taken outside as a hostage until Trotsky appeared from the Soviet assembly and intervened with a speech praising the “Comrade Kronstadter’s, pride and glory of the Russian revolution”.  

Furthermore, the Menshevik Chairman of the Soviet, Chkheidze, spoke to the demonstrators in an ‘imperious tone’, calmly handing their leader a Soviet manifesto, and ordered them to return home or be condemned as traitors to the revolution, to which the crowd quickly dispersed.

The Ministry of Justice released leaflets accusing the Bolsheviks of treason on the charge of inciting armed rebellion with German financial support, and published warrants for the arrest of the party’s main leaders. Following this, troops cleared the party’s Headquarters in the Kshesinskaya Mansion, and the capital quickly succumbed to anti-Bolshevik hysteria as hundreds of Bolsheviks were arrested and known or suspected Bolsheviks were attacked in the streets by Black Hundreds elements. The Petrograd Soviet was forced to move from Tauride Palace into the Smolny Institute.^[16]

Trotsky was captured a few days later and imprisoned, whilst Lenin and Zinoviev went into hiding. Lenin had refused to stand trial for ‘treason’ as he argued that the state was in the hands of a ‘counter-revolutionary military dictatorship’, which was already engaged in a ‘civil war’ against the proletariat. Lenin believed that these events were “an episode in the civil war” and described how “all hopes for a peaceful development of the Russian revolution have vanished for good” when writing a few days after his flight.

These developments left a new crisis in the Provisional Government. Bourgeois ministers, belonging to the Constitutional Democratic Party resigned, and no cabinet could be formed until the end of the month.

The party’s political fortunes were poor but were revived after an abortive ‘coup d’etat’ by right-wing elements led by General Kornilov.

Kerensky became the new Prime Minister of the Provisional Government on the 21st of July. Prince Lvov had resigned along with many Bourgeois ministers from the Provisional Government. He had been considered to be closely associated with the soviets, and in a strong leading position.

Finally, on the 24th of July (6 August) 1917, a new coalition cabinet, composed mostly of socialists, was formed with Kerensky at its head.

Second coalition:

Post	Name	Party
Minister-President and Minister of War and Navy	Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Vice-president, Minister of Finance	Nikolai Nekrasov	Kadet
Minister of Foreign Affairs	Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-party
Minister of Internal Affairs	Nikolai Avksentiev	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Minister of Transport	Piotr Yurenev	Kadet
Minister of the Interior	Irakli Tsereteli	Menshevik
Minister of Trade and Industry	Sergei Prokopovich	Non-party
Minister of Justice	Alexander Zarudny	Popular Socialists (Russia)
Minister of Education	Sergey Oldenburg	Kadet
Minister of Agriculture	Victor Chernov	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Minister of Labour	Matvey Skobelev	Menshevik
Minister of Food	Alexey Peshekhonov	Popular Socialists (Russia)
Minister of Health Care	Ivan Efremov	Progressive Party (Russia)
Minister of Post and Telegraph	Alexey Nikitin	Menshevik
Ober-Procurator of the Most Holy Synod	Vladimir Lvov	Progressist

Third coalition[edit]

From 25 September [8 October, N.S.] 1917.

Post	Name	Party
Minister-President	Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Vice-president, Minister of Trade and Industry	Aleksandr Konovalov	Kadets
Minister of Foreign Affairs	Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-party
Minister of Internal Affairs, Post and Telegraph	Alexei Nikitin	Menshevik
Minister of War	Alexander Verkhovsky
Minister of Navy	Dmitry Verderevsky	–
Minister of Finance	Mikhail Bernatsky
Minister of Justice	Pavel Malyantovitch	Menshevik
Minister of Transport	Alexander Liverovsky	Non-party
Minister of Education	Sergei Salazkin	Non-party
Minister of Agriculture	Semen Maslov	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Minister of Labour	Kuzma Gvozdev	Menshevik
Minister of Food	Sergei Prokopovich	Non-party
Minister of Health Care	Nikolai Kishkin	Kadet
Minister of Post and Telegraph	Alexey Nikitin	Menshevik
Minister of Religion	Anton Kartashev	Kadet
Minister of Public Charities	Nikolai Kishkin	Kadet

Legislative policies and problems[edit]

With the 1917 February Revolution, Tsar Nicholas II’s abdication, and the formation of a completely new Russian state, Russia’s political spectrum was dramatically altered. The tsarist leadership represented an authoritarian, conservative form of governance. The Kadet Party (see Constitutional Democratic Party), composed mostly of liberal intellectuals, formed the greatest opposition to the tsarist regime leading up to the February Revolution. The Kadets transformed from an opposition force into a role of established leadership, as the former opposition party held most of the power in the new Provisional Government, which replaced the tsarist regime. The February Revolution was also accompanied by further politicization of the masses. Politicization of working people led to the leftward shift of the political spectrum.

Many urban workers originally supported the socialist Menshevik Party (see Menshevik), while some, though a small minority in February, favored the more radical Bolshevik Party (see Bolshevik). The Mensheviks often supported the actions of the Provisional Government and believed that the existence of such a government was a necessary step to achieve Communism. On the other hand, the Bolsheviks violently opposed the Provisional Government and desired a more rapid transition to Communism. In the countryside, political ideology also shifted leftward, with many peasants supporting the Socialist Revolutionary Party (see Socialist-Revolutionary Party). The SRs advocated a form of agrarian socialism and land policy that the peasantry overwhelmingly supported. For the most part, urban workers supported the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks (with greater numbers supporting the Bolsheviks as 1917 progressed), while the peasants supported the Socialist Revolutionaries. The rapid development and popularity of these leftist parties turned moderate-liberal parties, such as the Kadets, into «new conservatives.» The Provisional Government was mostly composed of «new conservatives,» and the new government faced tremendous opposition from the left.

Opposition was most obvious with the development and dominance of the Petrograd Soviet, which represented the socialist views of leftist parties. A dual power structure quickly arose consisting of the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet. While the Provisional Government retained the formal authority to rule over Russia, the Petrograd Soviet maintained actual power. With its control over the army and the railroads, the Petrograd Soviet had the means to enforce policies.^[17] The Provisional Government lacked the ability to administer its policies. In fact, local soviets, political organizations mostly of socialists, often maintained discretion when deciding whether or not to implement the Provisional Government’s laws.

Despite its short reign of power and implementation shortcomings, the Provisional Government passed very progressive legislation. The policies enacted by this moderate government (by 1917 Russian standards) represented arguably the most liberal legislation in Europe at the time.^{[citation needed]} The independence of Church from state, the emphasis on rural self-governance, and the affirmation of fundamental civil rights (such as freedom of speech, press, and assembly) that the tsarist government had periodically restricted shows the progressivism of the Provisional Government. Other policies included the abolition of capital punishment and economic redistribution in the countryside. The Provisional Government also granted more freedoms to previously suppressed regions of the Russian Empire. Poland was granted independence and Lithuania and Ukraine became more autonomous.^[18]

The main obstacle and problem of the Provisional Government was its inability to enforce and administer legislative policies. Foreign policy was the one area in which the Provisional Government was able to exercise its discretion to a great extent. However, the continuation of aggressive foreign policy (for example, the Kerensky Offensive) increased opposition to the government. Domestically, the Provisional Government’s weaknesses were blatant. The dual power structure was in fact dominated by one side, the Petrograd Soviet. Minister of War Alexander Guchkov stated that «We (the Provisional Government) do not have authority, but only the appearance of authority; the real power lies with the Soviet».^[19] Severe limitations existed on the Provisional Government’s ability to rule.

While it was true that the Provisional Government lacked enforcement ability, prominent members within the Government encouraged bottom-up rule. Politicians such as Prime Minister Georgy Lvov favored devolution of power to decentralized organizations. The Provisional Government did not desire the complete decentralization of power, but certain members definitely advocated more political participation by the masses in the form of grassroots mobilization.

Democratization[edit]

The rise of local organizations, such as trade unions and rural institutions, and the devolution of power within Russian government gave rise to democratization. It is difficult to say that the Provisional Government desired the rise of these powerful, local institutions. As stated in the previous section, some politicians within the Provisional Government advocated the rise of these institutions. Local government bodies had discretionary authority when deciding which Provisional Government laws to implement. For example, institutions that held power in rural areas were quick to implement national laws regarding the peasantry’s use of idle land. Real enforcement power was in the hands of these local institutions and the soviets. Russian historian W.E. Mosse points out, this time period represented «the only time in modern Russian history when the Russian people were able to play a significant part in the shaping of their destinies».^[20] While this quote romanticizes Russian society under the Provisional Government, the quote nonetheless shows that important democratic institutions were prominent in 1917 Russia.

Special interest groups also developed throughout 1917. Special interest groups play a large role in every society deemed «democratic» today, and such was the case of Russia in 1917. Many on the far left would argue that the presence of special interest groups represent a form of bourgeois democracy, in which the interests of an elite few are represented to a greater extent than the working masses. The rise of special interest organizations gave people the means to mobilize and play a role in the democratic process. While groups such as trade unions formed to represent the needs of the working classes, professional organizations were also prominent.^[21] Professional organizations quickly developed a political side to represent member’s interests. The political involvement of these groups represents a form of democratic participation as the government listened to such groups when formulating policy. Such interest groups played a negligible role in politics before February 1917 and after October 1917.

While professional special interest groups were on the rise, so too were worker organizations, especially in the cities. Beyond the formation of trade unions, factory committees of workers rapidly developed on the plant level of industrial centers. The factory committees represented the most radical viewpoints of the time period. The Bolsheviks gained their popularity within these institutions. Nonetheless, these committees represented the most democratic element of 1917 Russia. However, this form of democracy differed from and went beyond the political democracy advocated by the liberal intellectual elites and moderate socialists of the Provisional Government. Workers established economic democracy, as employees gained managerial power and direct control over their workplace. Worker self-management became a common practice throughout industrial enterprises.^[22] As workers became more militant and gained more economic power, they supported the radical Bolshevik party and lifted the Bolsheviks into power in October 1917.

Kornilov affair and declaration of Republic[edit]

In August 1917 Russian socialists assembled for a conference on defense, which resulted in a split between the Bolsheviks, who rejected the continuation of the war, and moderate socialists.^[23] The Kornilov affair was an attempted military coup d’état by the then commander-in-chief of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov, in September 1917^[24] (August old style). Due to the extreme weakness of the government at this point, there was talk among the elites of bolstering its power by including Kornilov as a military dictator on the side of Kerensky. The extent to which this deal had indeed been accepted by all parties is still unclear. What is clear, however, is that when Kornilov’s troops approached Petrograd, Kerensky branded them as counter-revolutionaries and demanded their arrest. This move can be seen as an attempt to bolster his own power by making him a defender of the revolution against a Napoleon-type figure. However, it had terrible consequences, as Kerensky’s move was seen in the army as a betrayal of Kornilov, making them finally disloyal to the Provisional Government. Furthermore, as Kornilov’s troops were arrested by the now armed Red Guard, it was the Soviet that was seen to have saved the country from military dictatorship. In order to defend himself and Petrograd, he provided the Bolsheviks with arms as he had little support from the army. When Kornilov did not attack Kerensky, the Bolsheviks did not return their weapons, making them a greater concern to Kerensky and the Provisional Government.

Thus far, the status of the monarchy had been unresolved. This was clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic (Российская республика, Rossiyskaya respublika) was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice.^[3]

The Decree read as follows:

The Coup of General Kornilov is suppressed. But the turmoil that he spread in the ranks of the army and in the country is great. Once again, a great danger threatens the fate of the country and its freedom. Considering it necessary to put an end to the uncertainty in the political system, and keeping in mind the unanimous and enthusiastic recognition of Republican ideas, which affected the Moscow State Conference, the Provisional Government announces that the state system of the Russian state is the republican system and proclaims the Russian Republic. Urgent need for immediate and decisive action to restore the shocked state system has prompted the Provisional Government to pass the power of government to five individuals from its staff, headed by the Prime Minister. The Provisional Government considers its main objective to be the restoration of public order and the fighting efficiency of the armed forces. Believing that only the concentration of all the surviving forces of the country can help the Motherland out of the difficulty in which it now finds itself, the Provisional Government will seek to expand its membership by attracting to its ranks all those who consider the eternal and general interests of the country more important than the short-term and particular needs of certain parties or classes. The Provisional Government has no doubt that it will succeed in this task in the days ahead.^[3]

On 12 September [25, N.S] an All-Russian Democratic Conference was convened, and its presidium decided to create a Pre-Parliament and a Special Constituent Assembly, which was to elaborate the future Constitution of Russia. This Constitutional Assembly was to be chaired by Professor N. I. Lazarev and the historian V. M. Gessen.^[3] The Provisional Government was expected to continue to administer Russia until the Constituent Assembly had determined the future form of government. On 16 September 1917, the Duma was dissolved by the newly created Directorate.

October Revolution[edit]

On October 24, Kerensky accused the Bolsheviks of treason… After the Bolshevik walkout, some of the remaining delegates continued to stress that ending the war as soon as possible was beneficial to the nation.^[25]
On 24–26 October Red Guard forces under the leadership of Bolshevik commanders launched their final attack on the ineffectual Provisional Government. Most government offices were occupied and controlled by Bolshevik soldiers on the 25th; the last holdout of the Provisional Ministers, the Tsar’s Winter Palace on the Neva River bank, was captured on the 26th. Kerensky escaped the Winter Palace raid and fled to Pskov, where he rallied some loyal troops for an attempt to retake the capital. His troops managed to capture Tsarskoe Selo but were beaten the next day at Pulkovo. Kerensky spent the next few weeks in hiding before fleeing the country. He went into exile in France and eventually emigrated to the United States.

The Bolsheviks then replaced the government with their own. The Little Council (or Underground Provisional Government) met at the house of Sofia Panina briefly in an attempt to resist the Bolsheviks. However, this initiative ended on 28 November with the arrest of Panina, Fyodor Kokoshkin, Andrei Ivanovich Shingarev and Prince Pavel Dolgorukov, then Panina being the subject of a political trial.^[26]

Some academics, such as Pavel Osinsky, argue that the October Revolution was as much a function of the failures of the Provisional Government as it was of the strength of the Bolsheviks. Osinsky described this as «socialism by default» as opposed to «socialism by design.»^[27]

Riasanovsky argued that the Provisional Government made perhaps its «worst mistake»^[6] by not holding elections to the Constituent Assembly soon enough. They wasted time fine-tuning details of the election law, while Russia slipped further into anarchy and economic chaos. By the time the Assembly finally met, Riasanovsky noted, «the Bolsheviks had already gained control of Russia.»^[28]

See also[edit]

• Diplomatic history of World War I

Footnotes[edit]

Further reading[edit]

• Abraham, Richard (1987). Kerensky: First Love of the Revolution. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-06108-0.
• Acton, Edward, et al. eds. Critical companion to the Russian Revolution, 1914-1921 (Indiana UP, 1997).
• Hickey, Michael C. «The Provisional Government and Local Administration in Smolensk in 1917.» Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9.1 (2016): 251–274.
• Lipatova, Nadezhda V. «On the Verge of the Collapse of Empire: Images of Alexander Kerensky and Mikhail Gorbachev.» Europe-Asia Studies 65.2 (2013): 264–289.
• Orlovsky, Daniel. «Corporatism or democracy: the Russian Provisional Government of 1917.» The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 24.1 (1997): 15–25.
• Thatcher, Ian D. «Post-Soviet Russian Historians and the Russian Provisional Government of 1917.» Slavonic & East European Review 93.2 (2015): 315–337. online^{[dead link]}
• Thatcher, Ian D. «Historiography of the Russian Provisional Government 1917 in the USSR.» Twentieth Century Communism (2015), Issue 8, p108-132.
• Thatcher, Ian D. «Memoirs of the Russian Provisional Government 1917.» Revolutionary Russia 27.1 (2014): 1-21.
• Thatcher, Ian D. «The ‘broad centrist’ political parties and the first provisional government, 3 March–5 May 1917.» Revolutionary Russia 33.2 (2020): 197-220.
• Wade, Rex A. «The Revolution at One Hundred: Issues and Trends in the English Language Historiography of the Russian Revolution of 1917.» Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9.1 (2016): 9-38.

Primary sources[edit]

• Browder, Robert P. and Alexander F. Kerensky, eds. The Russian Provisional Government 1917 (3 vols, Stanford UP, 1961).

Russia
1917
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem:  Рабочая Марсельеза Rabochaya Marsel’yeza «Worker’s Marseillaise«Гимн Свободной России Gimn Svobodnoy Rossii «Anthem of Free Russia» (unofficial)
Government Seal:
Russian Provisional Government
Capital	Petrograd
Common languages	Russian
Government	Provisional government
Minister-Chairman
• Mar-Jul 1917	Georgy Lvov
• Jul-Sep 1917	Alexander Kerensky
Legislature	Provisional Council
Historical era	World War I
• February Revolution	8–16 March 1917
• Kornilov affair	10–13 September 1917
• Republic proclaimed	14 September 1917
Currency	Ruble
Preceded by Succeeded by Russian Empire Russian Republic

Russian Provisional Government
9th Cabinet of Russia
Date formed	2 March [15 March, N.S.] 1917
Date dissolved	October [November, N.S] 1917
People and organisations
Head of state	Alexis II (unproclaimed) Michael II (conditionally) Georgy Lvov (de facto)
Head of government	Georgy Lvov
Member parties	Progressive Bloc Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks Popular Socialists
Status in legislature	Coalition
Opposition cabinet	Executive Committee of Petrograd Soviet
Opposition parties	Bolsheviks Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
Opposition leader	Nikolay Chkheidze
History
Incoming formation	Golitsyn
Outgoing formation	Kerensky I
Predecessor	Nikolay Golitsyn
Successor	Alexander Kerensky

The Russian Provisional Government (Russian: Временное правительство России, tr. Vremennoye pravitel’stvo Rossii) was a provisional government of the Russian Republic, announced two days before and established immediately after the abdication of Nicholas II.^[1] The intention of the provisional government was the organization of elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly and its convention. The provisional government, led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky, lasted approximately eight months, and ceased to exist when the Bolsheviks gained power in the October Revolution in October [November, N.S.] 1917.

According to Harold Whitmore Williams, the history of the eight months during which Russia was ruled by the Provisional Government was the history of the steady and systematic disorganization of the army.^[2] For most of the life of the Provisional Government, the status of the monarchy was unresolved. This was finally clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice.^[3]

Overview[edit]

On 12 March (27 February, Old Style), after Prime Minister Nikolai Golitsyn was forced to resign, 24 commissars the Provisional Committee of the State Duma were appointed. The Committee was headed by Mikhail Rodzianko and suspended the activity of the Fourth State Duma. He temporarily took formal state power and announced the creation of a new government on 13 March. The Provisional Government was formed on 15 March 1917 (New Style) by the Provisional Committee in cooperation of the Petrograd Soviet, despite protests of the Bolsheviks. The government was led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky. It replaced the Council of Ministers of Russia, which presided in the Mariinsky Palace.

The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures.^[4] This weakness left the government open to strong challenges from both the right and the left. The Provisional Government’s chief adversary on the left was the Petrograd Soviet, a Communist committee then taking over and ruling Russia’s most important port city, which tentatively cooperated with the government at first, but then gradually gained control of the Imperial Army, local factories, and the Russian Railway.^[5] The period of competition for authority ended in late October 1917, when Bolsheviks routed the ministers of the Provisional Government in the events known as the «October Revolution», and placed power in the hands of the soviets, or «workers’ councils,» which had given their support to the Bolsheviks led by Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky.
The weakness of the Provisional Government is perhaps best reflected in the derisive nickname given to Kerensky: «persuader-in-chief.»^[6]

Formation[edit]

The authority of the Tsar’s government began disintegrating on 1 November 1916, when Pavel Milyukov attacked the Boris Stürmer government in the Duma. Stürmer was succeeded by Alexander Trepov and Nikolai Golitsyn, both Prime Ministers for only a few weeks. During the February Revolution two rival institutions, the imperial State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet, both located in the Tauride Palace, competed for power. Tsar Nicholas II abdicated on 2 March [15 March, N.S.], and Milyukov announced the committee’s decision to offer the Regency to his brother, Grand Duke Michael, as the next tsar.^[7] Grand Duke Michael would accept after the decision of the Russian Constituent Assembly.
He did not want to take the poisoned chalice^[8] and deferred acceptance of imperial power the next day. The Provisional Government was designed to set up elections to the Assembly while maintaining essential government services, but its power was effectively limited by the Petrograd Soviet’s growing authority.

Public announcement of the formation of the Provisional Government was made. It was published in Izvestia the day after its formation.^[9] The announcement stated the declaration of government

• Full and immediate amnesty on all issues political and religious, including: terrorist acts, military uprisings, and agrarian crimes etc.
• Freedom of word, press, unions, assemblies, and strikes with spread of political freedoms to military servicemen within the restrictions allowed by military-technical conditions.
• Abolition of all hereditary, religious, and national class restrictions.
• Immediate preparations for the convocation on basis of universal, equal, secret, and direct vote for the Constituent Assembly which will determine the form of government and the constitution.
• Replacement of the police with a public militsiya and its elected chairmanship subordinated to the local authorities.
• Elections to the authorities of local self-government on basis of universal, direct, equal, and secret vote.
• Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal out of Petrograd the military units participating in the revolution movement.
• Under preservation of strict discipline in ranks and performing a military service — elimination of all restrictions for soldiers in the use of public rights granted to all other citizens.

It also said, «The provisional government feels obliged to add that it is not intended to take advantage of military circumstances for any delay in implementing the above reforms and measures.»

World recognition[edit]

Country	Date
United States	22 March 1917
United Kingdom	24 March 1917
France
Italy

Initial composition[edit]

Initial composition of the Provisional Government:

Post	Name	Party	Time of appointment
Prime minister and Minister of the Interior	Georgy Lvov		March 1917
Minister of Foreign Affairs	Pavel Milyukov	Kadet	March 1917
Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-Party	April 1917
Minister of War and Navy	Alexander Guchkov	Octobrist	March 1917
Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	April 1917
Minister of Transport	Nikolai Nekrasov	Kadet	March 1917
Minister of Trade and Industry	Aleksandr Konovalov	Progressist	March 1917
Minister of Justice	Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	March 1917
Pavel Pereverzev	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	April 1917
Minister of Finance	Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-Party	March 1917
Andrei Shingarev	Kadet	April 1917
Minister of Education	Alexander Manuilov	Kadet	March 1917
Minister of Agriculture	Andrei Shingarev	Kadet	March 1917
Victor Chernov	Socialist-Revolutionary Party	April 1917
Minister of Labour	Matvey Skobelev	Menshevik	April 1917
Minister of Food	Alexey Peshekhonov	Popular Socialists (Russia)	April 1917
Minister of Post and Telegraph	Irakli Tsereteli	Menshevik	April 1917
Ober-Procurator of the Most Holy Synod	Vladimir Lvov	Progressist	March 1917

April Crisis[edit]

Kerensky First Government
10th Cabinet of Russia
Date formed	24 July 1917 (see July Days)
Date dissolved	1 September 1917
People and organisations
Head of state	Grand Duke Michael (conditionally) Alexander Kerensky (de facto)
Head of government	Alexander Kerensky
Member parties	Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks Progressive Bloc Popular Socialists
Status in legislature	Coalition
Opposition cabinet	Executive Committee of Petrograd Soviet
Opposition parties	Bolsheviks Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
Opposition leader	Chkheidze/Trotsky
History
Incoming formation	Lvov
Outgoing formation	Kerensky II
Predecessor	Georgy Lvov
Successor	Alexander Kerensky

Kerensky Second Government
11th Cabinet of Russia
Date formed	14 September 1917
Date dissolved	7 November 1917
People and organisations
Head of state	Grand Duke Michael (conditionally) Alexander Kerensky (de facto)
Head of government	Alexander Kerensky
Member parties	Socialist-Revolutionaries Mensheviks Progressive Bloc
Status in legislature	Coalition
Opposition cabinet	Executive Committee of Petrograd Soviet
Opposition parties	Bolsheviks Left Socialist-Revolutionaries
Opposition leader	Nikolay Chkheidze / Leon Trotsky
History
Incoming formation	Kerensky I
Outgoing formation	Lenin
Predecessor	Alexander Kerensky
Successor	Vladimir Lenin

During the April Crisis (1917) Ivan Ilyin agreed with the Kadet Milyukov who staunchly opposed Petrograd Soviet demands for peace at any cost. On 18 April [1 May, N.S.] 1917 minister of Foreign Affairs Pavel Milyukov sent a note to the Allied governments, promising to continue the war to ‘its glorious conclusion’. On 20–21 April 1917 massive demonstrations of workers and soldiers erupted against the continuation of war. Demonstrations demanded resignation of Milyukov. They were soon met by the counter-demonstrations organised in his support. General Lavr Kornilov, commander of the Petrograd military district, wished to suppress the disorders, but premier Georgy Lvov refused to resort to violence.

The Provisional Government accepted the resignation of Foreign Minister Milyukov and War Minister Guchkov and made a proposal to the Petrograd Soviet to form a coalition government. As a result of negotiations, on 22 April 1917 agreement was reached and 6 socialist ministers joined the cabinet.

During this period the Provisional Government merely reflected the will of the Soviet, where left tendencies (Bolshevism) were gaining ground. The Government, however, influenced by the «bourgeois» ministers, tried to base itself on the right-wing of the Soviet. Socialist ministers, coming under fire from their left-wing Soviet associates, were compelled to pursue a double-faced policy. The Provisional Government was unable to make decisive policy decisions due to political factionalism and a breakdown of state structures.^[4]

Kerensky’s June Offensive[edit]

In the summer of 1917, within the government, the liberals persuaded the socialists that the Provisional Government needed to launch an offensive against Germany. This was as a consequence of several factors: a request from Britain and France to help take the pressure off their forces in the West, avoiding the national humiliation of a defeat, to help put the generals and officers back in control of the armed forces so they could control the revolution and to place them in a better bargaining position with the Germans when peace negotiations started.^[10]

The government agreed that a ‘successful military offensive’ was required to unite the people and restore morale to the Russian army. Alexander Kerensky, Minister for War, embarked on a ‘whirlwind tour’ of the Russian forces at the fronts, giving passionate, ‘near-hysterical’, speeches where he called on troops to act heroically, stating ‘we revolutionaries, have the right to death.’ This worked for a time until Kerensky left and the effect on the troops waned.^[11]

The June Offensive, which started on 16 June, lasted for just three days before falling apart.^[12]  During the offensive, the rate of desertion was high and soldiers began to mutiny, with some even killing their commanding officers instead of fighting.^[13]

The offensive resulted in the death of thousands of Russian soldiers and great loss of territory. This failed military offensive produced an immediate effect in Petrograd in the form of an armed uprising known as the ‘July Days’. The Provisional Government survived the initial uprising, but their pro-war position meant that moderate socialist government leaders lost their credibility among the soldiers and workers.^[10]

July crisis and second coalition government[edit]

On July 2 (July 15 N.S.), in response to the government’s compromises with Ukrainian nationalists, the Kadet members of the cabinet resigned, leaving Prince Lvov’s government in disarray.^[14] This prompted further urban demonstrations, as workers demanded «all power to the Soviets.»^[15]

On the morning of July 3 (July 16), the machine-gun regiment voted in favour of an armed demonstration, with it agreed that the demonstrators should march peacefully to the front of the Tauride palace and elect delegates to ‘present their demands to the Executive Committee of the Soviet’.  

The following day, July 4 (July 17), around 20,000 armed sailors from the Kronstadt naval base arrived in Petrograd.2 The mass of soldiers and workers then went to the Bolshevik Headquarters to find Lenin, who addressed the crowd and promised them that, ultimately, all power would go to the Soviets. However, Lenin was rather reluctant about these developments, with his speech uncertain and barely lasting a minute.

As violence escalated in the streets with the mob looting shops, houses, and attacking well-dressed civilians, Cossacks and Kadets stationed atop the buildings of Liteyny Avenue began to fire upon the crowds, causing the marchers to scatter in panic as dozens were killed.

At around 7 pm, soldiers and a group of workers from the Putilov iron plant broke into the palace and, flourishing their rifles, demanded full power to the Soviets.  

When Socialist Revolutionary Minister Chernov attempted to calm them down, he was taken outside as a hostage until Trotsky appeared from the Soviet assembly and intervened with a speech praising the “Comrade Kronstadter’s, pride and glory of the Russian revolution”.  

Furthermore, the Menshevik Chairman of the Soviet, Chkheidze, spoke to the demonstrators in an ‘imperious tone’, calmly handing their leader a Soviet manifesto, and ordered them to return home or be condemned as traitors to the revolution, to which the crowd quickly dispersed.

The Ministry of Justice released leaflets accusing the Bolsheviks of treason on the charge of inciting armed rebellion with German financial support, and published warrants for the arrest of the party’s main leaders. Following this, troops cleared the party’s Headquarters in the Kshesinskaya Mansion, and the capital quickly succumbed to anti-Bolshevik hysteria as hundreds of Bolsheviks were arrested and known or suspected Bolsheviks were attacked in the streets by Black Hundreds elements. The Petrograd Soviet was forced to move from Tauride Palace into the Smolny Institute.^[16]

Trotsky was captured a few days later and imprisoned, whilst Lenin and Zinoviev went into hiding. Lenin had refused to stand trial for ‘treason’ as he argued that the state was in the hands of a ‘counter-revolutionary military dictatorship’, which was already engaged in a ‘civil war’ against the proletariat. Lenin believed that these events were “an episode in the civil war” and described how “all hopes for a peaceful development of the Russian revolution have vanished for good” when writing a few days after his flight.

These developments left a new crisis in the Provisional Government. Bourgeois ministers, belonging to the Constitutional Democratic Party resigned, and no cabinet could be formed until the end of the month.

The party’s political fortunes were poor but were revived after an abortive ‘coup d’etat’ by right-wing elements led by General Kornilov.

Kerensky became the new Prime Minister of the Provisional Government on the 21st of July. Prince Lvov had resigned along with many Bourgeois ministers from the Provisional Government. He had been considered to be closely associated with the soviets, and in a strong leading position.

Finally, on the 24th of July (6 August) 1917, a new coalition cabinet, composed mostly of socialists, was formed with Kerensky at its head.

Second coalition:

Post	Name	Party
Minister-President and Minister of War and Navy	Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Vice-president, Minister of Finance	Nikolai Nekrasov	Kadet
Minister of Foreign Affairs	Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-party
Minister of Internal Affairs	Nikolai Avksentiev	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Minister of Transport	Piotr Yurenev	Kadet
Minister of the Interior	Irakli Tsereteli	Menshevik
Minister of Trade and Industry	Sergei Prokopovich	Non-party
Minister of Justice	Alexander Zarudny	Popular Socialists (Russia)
Minister of Education	Sergey Oldenburg	Kadet
Minister of Agriculture	Victor Chernov	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Minister of Labour	Matvey Skobelev	Menshevik
Minister of Food	Alexey Peshekhonov	Popular Socialists (Russia)
Minister of Health Care	Ivan Efremov	Progressive Party (Russia)
Minister of Post and Telegraph	Alexey Nikitin	Menshevik
Ober-Procurator of the Most Holy Synod	Vladimir Lvov	Progressist

Third coalition[edit]

From 25 September [8 October, N.S.] 1917.

Post	Name	Party
Minister-President	Alexander Kerensky	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Vice-president, Minister of Trade and Industry	Aleksandr Konovalov	Kadets
Minister of Foreign Affairs	Mikhail Tereshchenko	Non-party
Minister of Internal Affairs, Post and Telegraph	Alexei Nikitin	Menshevik
Minister of War	Alexander Verkhovsky
Minister of Navy	Dmitry Verderevsky	–
Minister of Finance	Mikhail Bernatsky
Minister of Justice	Pavel Malyantovitch	Menshevik
Minister of Transport	Alexander Liverovsky	Non-party
Minister of Education	Sergei Salazkin	Non-party
Minister of Agriculture	Semen Maslov	Socialist-Revolutionary Party
Minister of Labour	Kuzma Gvozdev	Menshevik
Minister of Food	Sergei Prokopovich	Non-party
Minister of Health Care	Nikolai Kishkin	Kadet
Minister of Post and Telegraph	Alexey Nikitin	Menshevik
Minister of Religion	Anton Kartashev	Kadet
Minister of Public Charities	Nikolai Kishkin	Kadet

Legislative policies and problems[edit]

With the 1917 February Revolution, Tsar Nicholas II’s abdication, and the formation of a completely new Russian state, Russia’s political spectrum was dramatically altered. The tsarist leadership represented an authoritarian, conservative form of governance. The Kadet Party (see Constitutional Democratic Party), composed mostly of liberal intellectuals, formed the greatest opposition to the tsarist regime leading up to the February Revolution. The Kadets transformed from an opposition force into a role of established leadership, as the former opposition party held most of the power in the new Provisional Government, which replaced the tsarist regime. The February Revolution was also accompanied by further politicization of the masses. Politicization of working people led to the leftward shift of the political spectrum.

Many urban workers originally supported the socialist Menshevik Party (see Menshevik), while some, though a small minority in February, favored the more radical Bolshevik Party (see Bolshevik). The Mensheviks often supported the actions of the Provisional Government and believed that the existence of such a government was a necessary step to achieve Communism. On the other hand, the Bolsheviks violently opposed the Provisional Government and desired a more rapid transition to Communism. In the countryside, political ideology also shifted leftward, with many peasants supporting the Socialist Revolutionary Party (see Socialist-Revolutionary Party). The SRs advocated a form of agrarian socialism and land policy that the peasantry overwhelmingly supported. For the most part, urban workers supported the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks (with greater numbers supporting the Bolsheviks as 1917 progressed), while the peasants supported the Socialist Revolutionaries. The rapid development and popularity of these leftist parties turned moderate-liberal parties, such as the Kadets, into «new conservatives.» The Provisional Government was mostly composed of «new conservatives,» and the new government faced tremendous opposition from the left.

Opposition was most obvious with the development and dominance of the Petrograd Soviet, which represented the socialist views of leftist parties. A dual power structure quickly arose consisting of the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet. While the Provisional Government retained the formal authority to rule over Russia, the Petrograd Soviet maintained actual power. With its control over the army and the railroads, the Petrograd Soviet had the means to enforce policies.^[17] The Provisional Government lacked the ability to administer its policies. In fact, local soviets, political organizations mostly of socialists, often maintained discretion when deciding whether or not to implement the Provisional Government’s laws.

Despite its short reign of power and implementation shortcomings, the Provisional Government passed very progressive legislation. The policies enacted by this moderate government (by 1917 Russian standards) represented arguably the most liberal legislation in Europe at the time.^{[citation needed]} The independence of Church from state, the emphasis on rural self-governance, and the affirmation of fundamental civil rights (such as freedom of speech, press, and assembly) that the tsarist government had periodically restricted shows the progressivism of the Provisional Government. Other policies included the abolition of capital punishment and economic redistribution in the countryside. The Provisional Government also granted more freedoms to previously suppressed regions of the Russian Empire. Poland was granted independence and Lithuania and Ukraine became more autonomous.^[18]

The main obstacle and problem of the Provisional Government was its inability to enforce and administer legislative policies. Foreign policy was the one area in which the Provisional Government was able to exercise its discretion to a great extent. However, the continuation of aggressive foreign policy (for example, the Kerensky Offensive) increased opposition to the government. Domestically, the Provisional Government’s weaknesses were blatant. The dual power structure was in fact dominated by one side, the Petrograd Soviet. Minister of War Alexander Guchkov stated that «We (the Provisional Government) do not have authority, but only the appearance of authority; the real power lies with the Soviet».^[19] Severe limitations existed on the Provisional Government’s ability to rule.

While it was true that the Provisional Government lacked enforcement ability, prominent members within the Government encouraged bottom-up rule. Politicians such as Prime Minister Georgy Lvov favored devolution of power to decentralized organizations. The Provisional Government did not desire the complete decentralization of power, but certain members definitely advocated more political participation by the masses in the form of grassroots mobilization.

Democratization[edit]

The rise of local organizations, such as trade unions and rural institutions, and the devolution of power within Russian government gave rise to democratization. It is difficult to say that the Provisional Government desired the rise of these powerful, local institutions. As stated in the previous section, some politicians within the Provisional Government advocated the rise of these institutions. Local government bodies had discretionary authority when deciding which Provisional Government laws to implement. For example, institutions that held power in rural areas were quick to implement national laws regarding the peasantry’s use of idle land. Real enforcement power was in the hands of these local institutions and the soviets. Russian historian W.E. Mosse points out, this time period represented «the only time in modern Russian history when the Russian people were able to play a significant part in the shaping of their destinies».^[20] While this quote romanticizes Russian society under the Provisional Government, the quote nonetheless shows that important democratic institutions were prominent in 1917 Russia.

Special interest groups also developed throughout 1917. Special interest groups play a large role in every society deemed «democratic» today, and such was the case of Russia in 1917. Many on the far left would argue that the presence of special interest groups represent a form of bourgeois democracy, in which the interests of an elite few are represented to a greater extent than the working masses. The rise of special interest organizations gave people the means to mobilize and play a role in the democratic process. While groups such as trade unions formed to represent the needs of the working classes, professional organizations were also prominent.^[21] Professional organizations quickly developed a political side to represent member’s interests. The political involvement of these groups represents a form of democratic participation as the government listened to such groups when formulating policy. Such interest groups played a negligible role in politics before February 1917 and after October 1917.

While professional special interest groups were on the rise, so too were worker organizations, especially in the cities. Beyond the formation of trade unions, factory committees of workers rapidly developed on the plant level of industrial centers. The factory committees represented the most radical viewpoints of the time period. The Bolsheviks gained their popularity within these institutions. Nonetheless, these committees represented the most democratic element of 1917 Russia. However, this form of democracy differed from and went beyond the political democracy advocated by the liberal intellectual elites and moderate socialists of the Provisional Government. Workers established economic democracy, as employees gained managerial power and direct control over their workplace. Worker self-management became a common practice throughout industrial enterprises.^[22] As workers became more militant and gained more economic power, they supported the radical Bolshevik party and lifted the Bolsheviks into power in October 1917.

Kornilov affair and declaration of Republic[edit]

In August 1917 Russian socialists assembled for a conference on defense, which resulted in a split between the Bolsheviks, who rejected the continuation of the war, and moderate socialists.^[23] The Kornilov affair was an attempted military coup d’état by the then commander-in-chief of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov, in September 1917^[24] (August old style). Due to the extreme weakness of the government at this point, there was talk among the elites of bolstering its power by including Kornilov as a military dictator on the side of Kerensky. The extent to which this deal had indeed been accepted by all parties is still unclear. What is clear, however, is that when Kornilov’s troops approached Petrograd, Kerensky branded them as counter-revolutionaries and demanded their arrest. This move can be seen as an attempt to bolster his own power by making him a defender of the revolution against a Napoleon-type figure. However, it had terrible consequences, as Kerensky’s move was seen in the army as a betrayal of Kornilov, making them finally disloyal to the Provisional Government. Furthermore, as Kornilov’s troops were arrested by the now armed Red Guard, it was the Soviet that was seen to have saved the country from military dictatorship. In order to defend himself and Petrograd, he provided the Bolsheviks with arms as he had little support from the army. When Kornilov did not attack Kerensky, the Bolsheviks did not return their weapons, making them a greater concern to Kerensky and the Provisional Government.

Thus far, the status of the monarchy had been unresolved. This was clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic (Российская республика, Rossiyskaya respublika) was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice.^[3]

The Decree read as follows:

The Coup of General Kornilov is suppressed. But the turmoil that he spread in the ranks of the army and in the country is great. Once again, a great danger threatens the fate of the country and its freedom. Considering it necessary to put an end to the uncertainty in the political system, and keeping in mind the unanimous and enthusiastic recognition of Republican ideas, which affected the Moscow State Conference, the Provisional Government announces that the state system of the Russian state is the republican system and proclaims the Russian Republic. Urgent need for immediate and decisive action to restore the shocked state system has prompted the Provisional Government to pass the power of government to five individuals from its staff, headed by the Prime Minister. The Provisional Government considers its main objective to be the restoration of public order and the fighting efficiency of the armed forces. Believing that only the concentration of all the surviving forces of the country can help the Motherland out of the difficulty in which it now finds itself, the Provisional Government will seek to expand its membership by attracting to its ranks all those who consider the eternal and general interests of the country more important than the short-term and particular needs of certain parties or classes. The Provisional Government has no doubt that it will succeed in this task in the days ahead.^[3]

On 12 September [25, N.S] an All-Russian Democratic Conference was convened, and its presidium decided to create a Pre-Parliament and a Special Constituent Assembly, which was to elaborate the future Constitution of Russia. This Constitutional Assembly was to be chaired by Professor N. I. Lazarev and the historian V. M. Gessen.^[3] The Provisional Government was expected to continue to administer Russia until the Constituent Assembly had determined the future form of government. On 16 September 1917, the Duma was dissolved by the newly created Directorate.

October Revolution[edit]

On October 24, Kerensky accused the Bolsheviks of treason… After the Bolshevik walkout, some of the remaining delegates continued to stress that ending the war as soon as possible was beneficial to the nation.^[25]
On 24–26 October Red Guard forces under the leadership of Bolshevik commanders launched their final attack on the ineffectual Provisional Government. Most government offices were occupied and controlled by Bolshevik soldiers on the 25th; the last holdout of the Provisional Ministers, the Tsar’s Winter Palace on the Neva River bank, was captured on the 26th. Kerensky escaped the Winter Palace raid and fled to Pskov, where he rallied some loyal troops for an attempt to retake the capital. His troops managed to capture Tsarskoe Selo but were beaten the next day at Pulkovo. Kerensky spent the next few weeks in hiding before fleeing the country. He went into exile in France and eventually emigrated to the United States.

The Bolsheviks then replaced the government with their own. The Little Council (or Underground Provisional Government) met at the house of Sofia Panina briefly in an attempt to resist the Bolsheviks. However, this initiative ended on 28 November with the arrest of Panina, Fyodor Kokoshkin, Andrei Ivanovich Shingarev and Prince Pavel Dolgorukov, then Panina being the subject of a political trial.^[26]

Some academics, such as Pavel Osinsky, argue that the October Revolution was as much a function of the failures of the Provisional Government as it was of the strength of the Bolsheviks. Osinsky described this as «socialism by default» as opposed to «socialism by design.»^[27]

Riasanovsky argued that the Provisional Government made perhaps its «worst mistake»^[6] by not holding elections to the Constituent Assembly soon enough. They wasted time fine-tuning details of the election law, while Russia slipped further into anarchy and economic chaos. By the time the Assembly finally met, Riasanovsky noted, «the Bolsheviks had already gained control of Russia.»^[28]

See also[edit]

• Diplomatic history of World War I

Footnotes[edit]

Further reading[edit]

• Abraham, Richard (1987). Kerensky: First Love of the Revolution. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-06108-0.
• Acton, Edward, et al. eds. Critical companion to the Russian Revolution, 1914-1921 (Indiana UP, 1997).
• Hickey, Michael C. «The Provisional Government and Local Administration in Smolensk in 1917.» Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9.1 (2016): 251–274.
• Lipatova, Nadezhda V. «On the Verge of the Collapse of Empire: Images of Alexander Kerensky and Mikhail Gorbachev.» Europe-Asia Studies 65.2 (2013): 264–289.
• Orlovsky, Daniel. «Corporatism or democracy: the Russian Provisional Government of 1917.» The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 24.1 (1997): 15–25.
• Thatcher, Ian D. «Post-Soviet Russian Historians and the Russian Provisional Government of 1917.» Slavonic & East European Review 93.2 (2015): 315–337. online^{[dead link]}
• Thatcher, Ian D. «Historiography of the Russian Provisional Government 1917 in the USSR.» Twentieth Century Communism (2015), Issue 8, p108-132.
• Thatcher, Ian D. «Memoirs of the Russian Provisional Government 1917.» Revolutionary Russia 27.1 (2014): 1-21.
• Thatcher, Ian D. «The ‘broad centrist’ political parties and the first provisional government, 3 March–5 May 1917.» Revolutionary Russia 33.2 (2020): 197-220.
• Wade, Rex A. «The Revolution at One Hundred: Issues and Trends in the English Language Historiography of the Russian Revolution of 1917.» Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9.1 (2016): 9-38.

Primary sources[edit]

• Browder, Robert P. and Alexander F. Kerensky, eds. The Russian Provisional Government 1917 (3 vols, Stanford UP, 1961).

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Временное правительство

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Временное правительство в России (1917)

Временное правительство — высший исполнительно-распорядительный орган государственной власти России, действовавший с 15 марта (2 марта по старому стилю) по 7 ноября (25 октября по старому стилю) 1917 года.

Оно было сформировано после Февральской революции 1917 года и отречения императора Николая II Временным комитетом Государственной думы с согласия лидеров Петроградского совета на период до созыва Учредительного собрания. Выполняло также законодательные функции.

За время работы правительства с марта по ноябрь 1917 года сменилось четыре его состава. В первый состав вошли два октябриста, восемь кадетов и примыкающих к ним, один трудовик, с марта ставший эсером. Возглавлял правительство кадет, князь Георгий Львов. Ведущую роль в нем играли лидер партии кадетов Павел Милюков и лидер октябристов Александр Гучков. 22 марта (9 марта по старому стилю) первым его признало правительство США, 24 марта (11 марта по старому стилю) — Великобритании и Франции.

Временное правительство в своей программе, изложенной в декларации, опубликованной 16 марта (3 марта по старому стилю), и обращении к гражданам России от 19 марта (6 марта по старому стилю), провозгласило принцип «преемственности власти» и «непрерывности права»; заявило о своем стремлении довести войну «до победного конца» и выполнить все договоры и соглашения, заключенные с союзными державами.

В декларации излагалась программа первоочередных преобразований: амнистия по политическим и религиозным делам, свобода слова, печати и собраний, отмена сословий и ограничений по религиозным и национальным признакам, замена полиции народной милицией, выборы в органы местного самоуправления. Фундаментальные вопросы — о политическом строе страны, аграрной реформе, самоопределении народов — предполагалось решить уже после созыва Учредительного собрания.

В ходе Февральской революции руководство Советов рабочих и солдатских депутатов согласилось передать власть Временному правительству, но на практике в стране сразу сложилась ситуация двоевластия, причем реальная власть постепенно переходила в руки Советов. Без поддержки Советов Временное правительство не могло существовать и действовать первые четыре месяца.

Внутренние противоречия, недовольство населения политикой Временного правительства обусловили правительственные кризисы. Апрельский кризис привел к созданию 18 мая (5 мая по старому стилю) первого коалиционного правительства. Из состава Временного правительства вышли Милюков и Гучков, а в него, по соглашению с исполкомом Петроградского совета, были включены шесть министров-социалистов.

Председателем правительства вновь стал Георгий Львов.

Новое правительство не смогло эффективно бороться с разрухой и голодом, ограничившись бюрократическими мерами регулирования отдельных ведущих отраслей промышленности. Затеянное им наступление на Юго-Западном фронте провалилось. Обострение внешней и внутриполитической обстановки в стране, разногласия среди министров по вопросу отношения к украинской Центральной раде, неудачная попытка большевиков перехватить власть вызвали в июле новый правительственный кризис, который привел к ликвидации двоевластия в стране. Из состава Временного правительства вышли три министра-кадета. Вслед за ними ушел в отставку глава Временного правительства — князь Львов.

6 августа (24 июля по старому стилю) было сформировано второе коалиционное правительство. В его состав вошли семь кадетов и примыкающих, пять эсеров и народных социалистов, три меньшевика. Председателем правительства стал эсер Александр Керенский.

Следующий правительственный кризис был спровоцирован лидером правых контрреволюционных сил, верховным главнокомандующим генералом Лавром Корниловым, который 16 августа (3 августа по старому стилю) выступил против Временного правительства, двинув войска на Петроград (ныне Санкт-Петербург). Попытка переворота, предпринятая им, оказалась неудачной. Мятеж был подавлен. Новый правительственный кризис стал самым острым и продолжительным. В поисках выхода было решено 14 сентября (1 сентября по старому стилю) 1917 года временно передать власть Совету пяти (Директории), который возглавил Керенский, принявший одновременно на себя и пост главнокомандующего.

Переговоры о создании нового правительства затянулись до 8 октября (25 сентября по старому стилю), когда удалось составить третье и последнее коалиционное правительство. В его состав вошли шесть кадетов и примыкающих, два эсера, четыре меньшевика и шесть беспартийных. Возглавил правительство Керенский, оставшийся за собой пост верховного главнокомандующего.

Находясь в перманентном кризисе, Временное правительство опаздывало в принятии необходимых для укрепления власти решений. Принятые законы в области государственного строительства задерживались в исполнении. Медлительность и половинчатость социально-экономических реформ, просчеты в государственном строительстве способствовали нарастанию общенационального кризиса, который привел к Октябрьской революции. В ходе вооруженного восстания в ночь с 7 на 8 ноября (с 25 на 26 октября по старому стилю) 1917 года Временное правительство было арестовано в Зимнем дворце. Лишь Керенскому удалось бежать из столицы.

За весь период существования Временного правительства в его состав входили 39 человек. Их пребывание на министерских постах было кратковременным, 23 человека исполняли свои обязанности не более двух месяцев. 16 министров Временного правительства ранее были депутатами Государственной думы разных созывов. 31 человек имел высшее образование, из них 24 окончили университеты. Двое имели два высших образования.

Большинство министров были юристами — 11 человек, врачей, экономистов и инженеров — по четыре, военных — трое, пять человек окончили историко-филологический факультет. По сословной принадлежности: 21 человек имел дворянское происхождение, в том числе трое имели титул князя; двое были выходцами из крестьян.

После Октябрьской революции 16 бывших министров в той или иной форме сотрудничали с Советской властью, 23 человека эмигрировали и первоначально вели антисоветскую деятельность. В дальнейшем некоторые из них изменили свои взгляды.

Материал подготовлен на основе информации открытых источников

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Временное правительство как пишется

1. В названиях высших органов власти, центральных организаций, учреждений и т. п. все слова, кроме служебных, пишутся с прописной буквы: Федеральное Собрание Российской Федерации, Государственная Дума Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации, Государственное Собрание Венгерской Народной Республики, Государственный Совет Польской Народной Республики, Всемирный Совет Мира, Организация Объединённых Наций, Совет Безопасности ООН, Союз Обществ Красного Креста и Красного Полумесяца.

2. В названиях государственных учреждений, общественных, профессиональных и т. п. организаций первое слово (и все имена собственные) пишется с прописной буквы: Верховный суд Российской Федерации, Министерство обороны Российской Федерации, Международная демократическая федерация женщин, Международный союз молодёжи, Итальянская конфедерация профсоюзов трудящихся, Народная палата Индии, Верховный суд США, Московская патриархия.

Примечания: 1. Различаются написания аналогичных сочетаний в зависимости от того, выступают ли они в роли собственного или нарицательного имени; ср.: Вооружённые силы Российской Федерации (официальное название)— вооруженные силы Германии (нарицательное обозначение).

2. В форме множественного числа или не в качестве имени собственного названия указанного типа пишутся со строчной буквы: главные управления министерства. Ср. при полном наименовании: Министерства финансов стран СНГ.

3. Названия высших представительных органов стран, не имеющие значения собственного имени, пишутся со строчной буквы: парламент, нижняя палата, палата лордов, рейхстаг, бундесрат, сейм, стортинг, конгресс, меджлис. Но: Конгресс США, Сенат США — официальные названия.

В исторических названиях аналогичных русских и зарубежных учреждений первое слово пишется с прописной буквы: Правительствующий сенат, Святейший синод, Генеральные штаты, Долгий парламент, Конвент, Временное правительство.

4. В названиях политических партий и движений первое слово (и все имена собственные) пишется с прописной буквы: Социал-демократическая рабочая партия Германии, Коммунистическая партия Советского Союза, Партия единства и развития, Российская социал-демократическая рабочая партия, Христианско-демократический союз, Демократическая партия (например, в США). Но: партия «Союз 17 октября», партия «Единая Россия», партия Индийский национальный конгресс, где слово партия не входит в составное название.

Аналогичные названия, не имеющие значения официального наименования, пишутся со строчной буквы: демократическая партия, партия консерваторов, большевистская партия, партия социалистов-революционеров, партия меньшевиков, партия кадетов.

5. В официальных названиях учреждений местного значения первое слово (и все имена собственные) пишется с прописной буквы: Ленинградский областной Совет народных депутатов (слово Совет как название органа власти пишется с прописной буквы, за исключением тех случаев, когда оно входит в состав сложносокращенных слов), Московская городская дума, Префектура Западного округа г. Москвы.

6. В названиях научных учреждений и учебных заведений первое слово (и все имена собственные) пишется с прописной буквы: Российская академия наук, Академия медицинских наук Российской Федерации, Московский государственный университет им. М. В. Ломоносова, Российская академия театрального искусства, Московский государственный институт международных отношений, Всесоюзный государственный институт кинематографии. Центральный научно-исследовательский институт технологии машиностроения, Воронежский государственный университет, Саратовский государственный педагогический институт, Московский техникум лёгкой промышленности, Московский педагогический колледж, Центральная музыкальная школа при Московской государственной консерватории им. П. И. Чайковского, Московское училище живописи, ваяния и зодчества.

С прописной буквы пишется начальное слово неполного названия, которое употребляется в функции полного: Литературный музей (Государственный литературный музей), Третьяковская галерея (Государственная Третьяковская галерея), Большой театр (Государственный академический Большой театр России), Дом журналиста (Центральный Дом журналиста).

8. В названиях промышленных и торговых предприятий, финансовых организаций первое слово пишется с прописной буквы: Харьковский тракторный завод, Государственный универсальный магазин, Центральный универсальный магазин, Первый московский часовой завод, 2-й Московский шарикоподшипниковый завод, Дрезденский банк, Федеральный банк инноваций и развития, Российская страховая компания.

Примечание. Различаются написания: Минский автомобильный завод (первое слово входит в состав официального названия) — минский мыловаренный завод (указан лишь профиль завода и его местонахождение).

9. В выделяемых кавычками названиях предприятий, фирм и т. п. первое слово (и все имена собственные) пишется с прописной буквы (родовое наименование и название, указывающее на профиль предприятия, пишутся со строчной буквы): текстильный комбинат «Трёхгорная мануфактура», завод «Красный Октябрь», киноконцерн «Мосфильм», акционерное общество «Московский вентиляторный завод», шахта «Северная 2-бис», концерн «Дженерал моторс корпорейшн», фирма «Юнайтед фрут компани».

Географическое определение, не входящее в состав официального названия организации, учреждения, фирмы и т. д., обычно пишется со строчной буквы: московская кондитерская фабрика «Красный Октябрь», московский филиал банка «Олимпийский», французский автомобильный концерн «Пежо», концерн английской автомобильной и авиамоторной промышленности «Роллс-Ройс», шведская автомобилестроительная фирма «Вольво». Ср.: Московский театр «Современник» — географическое определение входит в состав официального названия.

10. Если название учреждения, предприятия и т. п. начинается словами Всероссийский, Всесоюзный, Государственный, Центральный, порядковым числительным ( Первый, 2-й и т. д.) или географическим определением, то первое слово в названии пишется с прописной буквы: Всероссийский художественный научно-реставрационный центр им. акад. И. Э. Грабаря, Всесоюзный научно-исследовательский институт гидротехники, Государственный академический русский народный оркестр им. И. П. Осипова, Центральный академический театр кукол им. С. В. Образцова, Первый московский часовой завод, 2-й Московский шарикоподшипниковый завод.

11. Если в название предприятия входят слова имени того-то, то первое слово названия пишется со строчной буквы: завод имени И. А. Лихачёва, агрофирма имени И. В. Мичурина.

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Связанные словари

Временное правительство

Временное правительство

⇒ Гласные буквы в слове:

Вр е м е нн о е пр а в и т е льств о

гласные выделены красным

гласными являются: е, е, о, е, а, и, е, о

общее количество гласных: 8 (восемь)

Вр е ́ менное прав и ́ тельство

ударная гласная выделена знаком ударения « ́ »

ударение падает на буквы: е, и,

Врем е нн о е пр а вит е льств о

безударные гласные выделены пунктирным подчеркиванием « »

безударными гласными являются: е, о, е, а, е, о

общее количество безударных гласных: 6 (шесть)

⇒ Согласные буквы в слове:

В р е м е н н ое п р а в и т е л ь с т в о

согласные выделены зеленым

согласными являются: В, р, м, н, н, п, р, в, т, л, с, т, в

общее количество согласных: 13 (тринадцать)

В р е м е н н ое п р а в ите л ьст в о

звонкие согласные выделены одинарным подчеркиванием « »

звонкими согласными являются: В, р, м, н, н, р, в, л, в

общее количество звонких согласных: 9 (девять)

Временное п рави т ель с т во

глухие согласные выделены двойным подчеркиванием « »

глухими согласными являются: п, т, с, т

общее количество глухих согласных: 4 (четыре)

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«Главным был вопрос о войне» Как Временное правительство довело Россию до революции

«Лента.ру» продолжает цикл публикаций, посвященных революционному прошлому нашей страны. Вместе с российскими историками, политиками и политологами мы вспоминаем ключевые события, фигуры и явления тех лет. О том, почему Временное правительство не оправдало возложенных на него надежд и как сложилась судьба его членов после Октябрьской революции, «Ленте.ру» рассказал доктор исторических наук Игорь Гребенкин.

Которые тут временные?

«Лента.ру»: Какие люди были во Временном правительстве в 1917 году? Можно ли сказать, что их роль в истории недооценена или, наоборот, переоценена?

Игорь Гребенкин: Когда мы говорим о Временном правительстве, необходимо помнить, что в исторически ничтожный период своего существования — менее восьми месяцев — оно пережило три кризиса и сменило четыре состава, испытывая постепенный дрейф влево. Первый его состав насчитывал 11 портфелей, и единственным левым в нем был министр юстиции Александр Керенский. В четвертом составе среди 17 членов ведущую роль играли правые социалисты — эсеры и меньшевики, а единственным министром-кадетом, сохранившим свой пост с марта, оставался Александр Коновалов.

Какие фигуры в нем были самыми яркими?

В первую очередь это главы думских фракций и либеральных партий Александр Гучков и Павел Милюков — «герои» либеральной оппозиции царизму. Любопытной фигурой следует признать Михаила Терещенко, которому к 1917 году исполнился 31 год. Крупный предприниматель и видный масон, он не был партийным деятелем и депутатом Государственной Думы, но оставался министром во всех четырех составах правительства.

Как складывались отношения между членами Временного правительства?

Хотя этих людей и объединяла деятельность в либеральных и левых фракциях Государственной Думы, они принадлежали к разным политическим направлениям. За плечами у каждого был свой груз весьма сложных взаимных отношений и конфликтов. Определенно «белой вороной» среди них первоначально был единственный левый министр — Керенский, который являлся связующим звеном правительства с Петроградским Советом.

Наиболее претенциозными министрами первого состава правительства являлись ветераны Государственной Думы Гучков и Милюков. Военный министр Гучков затеял масштабную чистку командного состава армии, которая привела к весьма спорным итогам. Министр иностранных дел Милюков отличался склонностью к конфликтам.

Именно «Нота Милюкова» о верности России союзническим обязательствам в апреле 1917 года и привела к первому правительственному кризису и отставке наиболее видных министров-либералов.

Он сделал это заявление, не согласовав ни с кем?

После Февральской революции в Петрограде: демонстрация против Временного правительства

Фото: «Коммерсантъ» / «Огонек»

Демократия и реальность

Встречаются регулярные упоминания о том, что члены Временного правительства взяли на себя управление страной и народом, которых не знали и не понимали, и наивная вера в народ перемежалась страхом перед «темными массами».

Тут стоит иметь в виду одно обстоятельство: для России даже в начале ХХ века было принято понимать «общество» и «народ» как две различные категории. Общество — это образованная часть населения, имеющего какое-то системное образование, живущего в городах, имеющего службу и работу. А огромная масса населения, более 80 процентов, — это аграрная, крестьянская Россия, которую принято было обозначать словом «народ».

Противостояние «общества» и «народа» существовало как на практике, так и в головах политически деятелей. Вся особенность политической жизни ХХ века состоит в том, что «народ» начинает заявлять о себе как о самостоятельной силе со своими представлениями и интересами. В этом смысле я готов согласиться с тем, что никто во Временном правительстве не представлял себе, как овладеть этими «темными массами». Причем это касается и первого состава, и всех последующих.

Действительно ли для членов Временного правительства был характерен идеализм и уверенность в том, что они смогут построить в России демократическое государство, просто внедрив характерные для демократии институты?

Временное правительство — это очень специфическое явление. Само его название характеризует его роль в политическом процессе. Я не думаю, что они считали своей целью внедрить демократический строй в России — разве только наиболее самонадеянные, вроде Керенского. Перед Временным правительством стояли совсем иные задачи. Главная из них — обеспечить выборы и созыв Учредительного собрания, которому и предстояло решать самые насущные проблемы страны.

В том-то и трагедия Временного правительства, всех его составов, что конкретные, очевидные задачи не были решены — к ним боялись даже подступиться.

Главным был вопрос о войне, аграрный вопрос и вопрос о политическом будущем России. Их можно варьировать по степени значимости, но все они так или иначе замыкались на созыв Учредительного собрания. К его подготовке на практике приблизился только последний состав Временного правительства, и то уже в условиях жесточайшего кризиса, когда опасность нависала и справа, и слева.

Почему первые составы даже не пытались решить этот вопрос?

Их политический опыт позволял допускать, что у общества и у всей политической ситуации есть еще запас прочности. Учредительное собрание должно было решать важнейшие проблемы, которые на повестку дня вывел политический переворот: политическое будущее России и аграрный вопрос. Но реформы представлялось правильным отложить до окончания войны. Получалось, что эти вопросы обращались в замкнутый круг.

К осени и правые, и левые поняли, что вопрос о заключении мира стал равносилен вопросу о власти. Тот, кто разрешит его, у кого есть конкретная программа, тот и будет управлять Россией. В итоге так и получилось.

Александр Керенский, министр-председатель Временного правительства.

Человек богемы

Кем был Александр Керенский?

Характеризуя этого несомненно яркого персонажа революционной эпохи, необходимо подчеркнуть, что по сути своей он не принадлежал к государственным или политическим кругам. Скорее, это человек богемы.

Тут надо понимать, что собой представлял популярный, востребованный столичный адвокат в начале ХХ века. Безусловно, это человек, не лишенный самых разнообразных талантов, но, наверное, юридическая подготовка — не первый и не главный из них. Главный — это ораторские способности и актерский дар, предприимчивость, склонность к авантюре. В царской России открытый суд был не просто юридической процедурой, но открытой трибуной для обсуждения актуальных общественных и иногда даже политических вопросов. Керенский получил популярность именно как адвокат в политических делах.

И вот он приходит в Государственную Думу, в ее левое крыло, и затем энергично пробивается в первый состав Временного правительства. Секретом успеха становятся его связи в левых и демократических революционных кругах. Для Керенского, в отличие от многих его соратников, довлеющей чертой было стремление все время оставаться на плаву.

Мнения о нем всегда были различны, порой полярны: одни считали его ярким деятелем и вождем, другие — фигляром и политическим пошляком. Сам он, не считаясь ни с чем, старался оставаться на гребне волны, что бы ни происходило.

Этап, связанный с августовским кризисом, можно объяснить, только понимая эту сущность Керенского. Смысл в том, что попытка сговора с военными, безусловно, была, и Керенскому в итоге не хватило самообладания и готовности идти до конца, к тому же между ними не было взаимного доверия. Это общеизвестно — Корнилов презирал Керенского, Керенский боялся Корнилова и тех, кто стоял за ним.

Что двигало им в конфликте с бывшими соратниками и Корниловым после июльских событий?

Ему удалось на некоторое время оттеснить оппозицию слева в лице большевиков, обвинив их в подготовке переворота и в связи с противником, то есть с Германией. Закономерным стал поиск коалиции справа — в лице высшего генералитета и Верховного главнокомандующего Лавра Корнилова. Определенно, планы совместных усилий у них были. Не хватило лишь времени и взаимного доверия, и это и привело к августовскому кризису.

В результате были обрублены контакты с военными, Корнилов и его сподвижники оказались арестованы и под следствием, и после этого на серьезную опору в военных кругах Керенский уже рассчитывать не мог. В сентябре и начале октября последний состав Временного правительства предпринимает судорожные усилия для того, чтобы, по крайней мере, не утратить инициативу.

1 сентября 1917-го Россию провозглашают республикой. Таких полномочий ни правительство, ни министр-председатель определенно не имели. Этот вопрос должно было решать Учредительное собрание. Однако Керенский пошел на такой шаг, надеясь снискать популярность в левых кругах. Политическая импровизация правительства и министра-председателя продолжалась. Во второй половине сентября следует созыв Демократического совещания, из состава которого затем выделяется предпарламент. Но эти органы уже не имели ресурсов — ни времени, ни доверия, — потому что наиболее серьезной оппонирующей силой, на этот раз уже слева, становятся Советы и большевики, которые с начала октября определенно берут курс на силовой вооруженный захват власти.

Так называемая «керенщина» действительно расчистила путь большевикам?

Если понимать под «керенщиной» период с июля по октябрь, то есть период, когда Керенский являлся главой Временного правительства, то можно сказать, что это так. Но с одной оговоркой: в данном случае, наверное, сыграли роль не усилия Керенского и Временного правительства, а объективный ход событий, который расчищал путь большевикам. Они предлагали решения, все более и более импонировавшие широким массам населения, а не «обществу» в принятом тогда понимании.

Верховный главнокомандующий Русской армии Лавр Корнилов

Несмотря на поражение в дни июльского кризиса, большевикам удается постепенно взять под контроль Советы, чего прежде никогда не было. При этом движение идет снизу: еще с лета большевики становятся наиболее признанной силой в низовых ячейках, таких как фабрично-заводские комитеты в крупных городах, а после корниловских событий — и в войсковых комитетах на фронте и в тылу.

Они за это долго сражались…

После корниловских событий они постепенно выдавливают своих правых оппонентов и из Советов. Кстати, именно большевики откликнулись на призыв Временного правительства защитить демократию. Мобилизовав рабочих, они создали военно-революционные формирования, которые стали той силой, что совершила переворот в октябре.

Период между Февралем и Октябрем — это не только ошибки и неудачи тогдашней российской власти. Это еще и вполне логичный и последовательный путь, который вместе с политической Россией совершают народные массы.

Что касается фигуры Керенского, то с ним происходит противоположный процесс. Его неоднократно и обоснованно обвиняли в бонапартизме, то есть лавировании между различными политическими силами при отсутствии собственной четкой платформы.

Можно ли сказать, что его больше всего интересовала власть?

Одним власть внушает чувство ответственности, других гипнотизирует, лишая способности адекватно воспринимать реальность. Керенский вел очень опасную игру, пытаясь составить партию с правыми против левых, а затем, порвав с правыми, искать поддержку у левых…

Репрессии и эмиграция

Как в дальнейшем, уже после Октябрьской революции, сложились судьбы министров Временного правительства?

Последний кабинет насчитывал 17 портфелей. В Зимнем дворце были арестованы 15 его членов и еще несколько должностных лиц, которые там оказались в той или иной мере случайно. Они были препровождены в Петропавловскую крепость, но в течение короткого времени их всех освободили.

Это крайне любопытная ситуация, связанная с первыми днями Октябрьского переворота. После прихода к власти большевиков в обществе возникла надежда, что жесткая власть, откуда бы она ни исходила — справа, слева, — прекратит наконец тот развал, который продолжался в течение восьми месяцев при Временном правительстве. Большевики же еще не столкнулись с открытым противодействием со стороны буржуазных и право-социалистических партий. Поэтому и наблюдаются такие «либеральные» явления, как освобождение министров.

Наиболее трагически сложились судьбы двух министров-кадетов — Андрея Шингарева и Федора Кокошкина. В январе 1918 года оба находились в Мариинской тюремной больнице и там были убиты ворвавшимися солдатами и матросами. Совнаркомом было назначено расследование, некоторые виновные были установлены, но в тех условиях довести это дело до конца не удалось.

А если говорить о судьбах последнего кабинета?

Можно сказать, что он поделился надвое. Восемь человек оказались в эмиграции, кто-то занимался политической деятельностью, кто-то нет. Наиболее известная фигура — это, наверное, министр финансов Михаил Бернацкий, который был известен как крупный российский специалист в области государственных финансов. Он сыграл видную роль в Белом движении, был членом особого совещания при главнокомандующем Вооруженных сил на Юге России Антоне Деникине. Значительное время он исполнял там функции руководителя финансовой части. Умер в эмиграции.

Другая часть осталась в Советской России, и судьбы их сложились по-разному. Несколько министров последнего состава Временного правительства, которые дожили до конца 1930-х годов, оказались репрессированы в период Большого террора. В частности, это меньшевики Павел Малянтович и Алексей Никитин.

Александр Верховский, военный министр Временного правительства Керенского, 1917 год. С 1918 года в Красной Армии

Наверное, самая интересная фигура — это последний военный министр Временного правительства Александр Верховский, который подал в отставку еще до октябрьских событий, призвав к немедленному заключению мира. Уже в 1919 году Верховский вступил в Красную армию в качестве военного специалиста, показал себя довольно способным и последовательным сторонником новой власти. Однако в период «чистки» в 1938 году он был арестован и расстрелян вместе со многими другими представителями высшего командного состава.

Одним из виднейших представителей российского масонства был Николай Некрасов, занимавший в разных составах правительства посты министра путей сообщения и финансов. Ему удалось в течение двадцати лет оставаться на крупных ответственных постах в хозяйственной сфере. Репрессирован он был только в годы Большого террора.

Некоторые министры Временного правительства, не дожившие до Большого террора, оставались на советской хозяйственной работе, занимались наукой — например, Сергей Салазкин, министр народного просвещения, который умер в 1932 году. Внимания заслуживает фигура Александра Ливеровского, министра путей сообщения в последнем составе Временного правительства, который занимался восстановлением железных дорог в 1920-е годы, показал себя как один из наиболее авторитетных экспертов в области путей сообщения в 1930-е, консультировал строительство Московского метрополитена, а в годы Великой Отечественной войны занимался планированием и строительством знаменитой Дороги жизни для блокадного Ленинграда. Будучи отмечен многими советскими наградами, он скончался в 1950-х.

А Гучков и Милюков?

Они покинули Временное правительство еще во время первого правительственного кризиса, и в дальнейшем оба представляли правую оппозицию. И тот и другой внесли свой вклад на этапе начала Гражданской войны, будучи вдохновителями Белого движения. Оба умерли в эмиграции.

Члены Временного правительства

Фото: «Коммерсантъ» / «Огонек»

Путь от Февраля к Октябрю

Провал Временного правительства был закономерен и неизбежен?

Перед Временным правительством стояли требовавшие решения конкретные задачи, необходимо было очень энергично реагировать на быстро менявшуюся политическую обстановку. Увы, вошедшие в кабинет представители политической элиты тогдашней России не обладали соответствующими способностями. В результате решения, указы, законоустановления Временного правительства, которые должны были разрядить обстановку в стране, наоборот ее усугубляли. Афористично: путь Временного правительства — это путь от Февраля к Октябрю.

От плохого к худшему?

Как историк я воздерживаюсь от оценочных категорий вроде «хорошо» — «плохо», «лучше» — «хуже». Ведь когда кому-то плохо, другому очень даже хорошо.

Путь Временного правительства пролегал от кризиса к кризису. Однозначно отвечать на вопрос о том, что тому виной — личные качества министров или черты ситуации в стране, было бы неверно. Качества министров и состав кабинета отражали общественно-политическую обстановку. Временное правительство не направляло этот процесс, оно лишь следовало ему.

Источник